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President Whjte Ubrary. 
Cornell University. 

Cornell University Library 
D 283.5.G35 

.Peace of Utrecht : 

3 1924 027 872 021 

Cornell University 

The original of tiiis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 








me anicfterfiodftei; 3Pre»s 

1S85 '' 

A M 6-| 5-4, 

Copyright, 1885 

Press of 

G. P. Putnam'' s Sons 

New York 


No period of modern history, with the exception of that 
which comprehends the sway of Buonaparte, is more marked 
by momentous international events and changes than that 
which closed with the reigns of Queen Anne and Louis 

The Peace of Utrecht was the political culmination of 
that period. 

All the leading occurrences in Western Europe, for the 
prior fifty years, had a bearing and influence upon the 
terms of that great pacification. 

The personages who moved upon the historic stage of 
the time, were such as to give it marked dramatic effect and 

Louis XIV. and his great generals, Villars, Boufflers, 
Vendome, Catinat and Vauban — Charles II., the last of 
the Hapsburg Monarchs of Spain — the two contestants for 
the Spanish crown, Philip of Anjou and the Archduke 
Charles — the great statesmen prominent in the Treaty, 
Heinsius, Bolingbroke, Oxford and De Torcy — the three 
Emperors — the warlike German Electors — the politic and 
ambitious Duke of Savoy — the heroic William III. — the 
placid Queen Anne — the exiled tyrant, James — the un- 
fortunate Pretender — the great leaders of the Allies, Marl- 
borough and Eugene — and lastly, the political intrigantes, 
the Duchess of Marlborough, Madame de Maintenon and 
the Princess des Ursins — all of whom had, directly or 
remotely, a part in the contention over the Spanish Suc- 
cession, or in the establishment of the Peace concluding it. 

The aim of the following historical study of the " Peace 
of Utrecht " and the principal events that led to it, has 
been, to group together, in proper sequence, those events 
and the negotiations and compacts that followed, in such 


form of narrative as may possibly prove interesting to the 
general reader, as well as to the student of political history. 

Much of the subject-matter of the volume has, of course, 
been previously considered in general histories, but in 
a cursory manner. Treatises and memoirs, (many of them 
now out of print), have, also, from time to time, appeared, 
relative to special matters connected with the subjects 
investigated. There also has been elaborate review, in 
several works, of the great military events of the war of 
the " Succession." 

So far as had been ascertained, however, there has been, 
heretofore, no treatment of the subject, embracing the 
events leading to the war, a chronological sketch of the 
military operations, the political intrigues and negotiations 
preceding and continuing during the war, the principal 
features of the Pacification, and the resulting political 
changes, combined in one review. 

Some encouragement for the preparation of what follows 
has been gathered from the fact that there is manifested, at 
this time, a greater interest in matters of historical research, 
and, especially, in the particular treatment of eventful 

There is, in fact, no class of literature, that, to persons 
of culture and reflection, can exhibit more interesting 
features than that which chronicles the actual results of 
the various motives that have impelled humanity to shape 
the events that form the great eras and epochs of history. 

" History," says that elegant and philosophic writer, 
Mackintosh, "is now a vast museum, in which specimens 
of every variety of human nature may be studied." 

Even those readers who find their greatest entertainment 
in fictitious composition may take some interest in the 
perusal of a sketch of the period closing the 17th and 
beginning the i8th century, the events of which form a 
continuous political drama ; and which presents occurrences 
as startling and personages as remarkable as any that can 
be found in that class of literature which is due exclusively 
to efforts of the imagination. 

The period of the four Georges, in England, has, in 


various treatment, enlisted the attention of readers, who 
seek entertainment as well as information from historical 
narrative ; but the period preceding it presents features of 
equal attraction and of broader aspect ; and, as the events 
and personages connected with the earlier period become 
more dim by time, the veil, almost of romance, seems to 
gather around them, and awakens a more curious interest. 

The word " Treaty " is used on the title-page, because the 
various compacts entered into, at Utrecht and Baden, be- 
tween the allied States, respectively, and France, were of a 
comprehensive character, in carrying out the general pacifi- 
cation, and in the adjustment of international interests be- 
tween the States which had been engaged in a war that 
arose out of one momentous occurrence affecting them all. 
There was, practically, but one treaty, although this was 
subdivided into the various compacts formulated, — each 
having a bearing on the others. 

It has not been found practicable to follow in either the 
Map, or the text, the forms of any one system of geograph- 
ical nomenclature. 

The native or local names might not always be readily 
recognized by the general reader, and the more important 
of these have therefore been anglicized, while it has been 
thought best to give the others in the form used by the va- 
rious authorities from which the material was derived. 

September, 1885. 



The Doctrine of the "Balance of Power "^ The Preponderance of Power 
of Charles V. — Apprehension of the Power of Philip II, — The Adjust- 
ment of National Power in the General Interest — Elizabeth — Henry 
IV.— The Treaty of Westphalia i 


Preliminary View of the great States of Europe that became involved in 
the War of the Spanish Succession — Charles V. — Philip II. — Germany 
and the Circles of the Empire— Spain — Holland — The Spanish Neth- 
erlands — England — France — Peace of the Pyrenees — Commencement 
of the reign of Louis XIV. — Colbert 3 


Acts of Louis XIV. on assuming the Reins of Government — War against 
Spain of 1667 — The Triple Alliance — Peace of Aix-La-Chapelle — War 
against Holland, 1672-1679 — Declaration of War by England against 
Holland — Desperate Condition of Holland — William of Orange made 
Stadt-holder and Generalissimo — Progress of the War — Peace made 
between Holland and England — Treaty of Westminister — Germany 
and Spain unite vcith Holland — Peace of Nymeguen, 1678-1679 . . 14 


Europe after the Peace of Nymeguen — Occupation of Strasburg by the 
French — Alliance of Germany, Spain, Holland, and Sweden — Entrance 
into the Netherlands by the French — The Truce of Ratisbon — Compact 
of Augsburg, 1686 — Bombardment of Genoa — Action of the French at 
Rome — War in 1688 — The Revolution in England — William of 
Orange becomes King — Louis' welcome of James II. — The Grand Alli- 
ance — Operations of the War — Capture of Mons and Namur — Louis at 
Gembloux — Defeat of William at Steinkirk and Neerwinden — Retak- 
ing of Namur by William — Proposals of Peace — The Peace of Ryswick, 
1697 — Policy of Louis — General Results of the War . . . .23 



Persecutibn of Protestants in France — Review of Sectarianism — Early- 
Christian Sects and their Differences — The Reformation — Intolerance 
in England — Henry IV. — Mary — Elizabeth — St. Barthcflomew's Eve — 
James I. and Charles I. — Intoleration in New England — The Thirty 
Years' Religious War — The Inquisition — The Edict of Nantes — The 
Protestants after the Death of Henry IV. under Louis XIII. — Sup- 
pression of their Political Power by Richelieu — Protestants driven into 
Exile — Their Condition under Mazarin — Action of Louis XIV. — Edicts 
from 1651-1659 and 1674 — New Oppression — Conversions — Barbar- 
ous Cruelties — Letters of Madame de Maintenon on the King's Holy 
Zeal — Glorification of Louis as a Reformer — Formal Revocation of the 
Edict in 1685 — Exultation at Court — Fulsome Panegyric by Bossuet — 
Renewed Cruelties — Protestants Escape from France — Persecutions of 
the Dead — National and International Effect of the Revocation . . 37 


The Spanish Succession — Charles II. of Spain — His Feeble Health — 
Ancient Laws of the Succession — Claims of the House of Bourbon — 
Marriages of Louis XIII. and of Louis XIV. — Renunciations of the 
two French Queens — Claims of the House of Austria — Claims of 
Bavaria — Interests of England and Holland in the Succession — 
Claims of Savoy and the Duke of Orleans 52 


Treaties for the Dismemberment of Spain, on the Anticipated Decease of 
Charles I. of Spain — Secret Treaty of 1668 between the Emperor and 
France— Prior Intrigues of Louis in Spain— First Treaty of Partition 
between France, England, and Holland, 1698— Second Treaty of Par- 
tition between the same Powers, 1700 — Policy of the above Treaties 

Feeling in England as to these Treaties— Protests of Spain— Action of 
the Emperor— Intrigues of the Emperor to Negotiate with France for 
the Dismemberment of the Spanish Dominions — Doubts as to the Sin- 
cerity of Louis in making the Treaties of Partition . . . .63 


Beginning of Intrigues at the Spanish Court— Condition of Charles— Policy 
of the Queen Mother— The two Wives of Charles II.— Suspicion of 
Poison— The Policy of the Queen Consort— Sides taken by the Spanish 
Court Officials— Cardinal Portocarrero- The Grand Inquisitor and the 
Confessors— The King's Physicians— Incertitude of Charles— Death of 
the Queen Mother— French Diplomacy— The Marquis d'Harcourt— 


His Instructions from tiie French Court — His Intrigues and Munifi- 
cence — Gradual Change of Feeling towards France — The Count Har- 
rach, the Emperor's Ambassador — The Countess Berlips — Harrach's 
Instructions — Feeling in Spain^Harrach's Efforts — D'Harcourt's State 
Entry into Madrid 70 


Intrigues at the Spanish Court Continued — D'Harcourt's Efforts to Concil- 
iate the Spaniards — He Gains the Countess Berlips — Brilliant Offers to 
the Queen — Her Changing Views — Change of the King's Confessor — 
Charles Visits the Tombs of his Ancestors for Relief and Meditation — 
France Preparing for War — She Assumes a Threatening Attitude — 
Feeble Condition of Spain — Despatch of Louis as to his Policy — Ex- 
tracts from the Despatches of the Emperor's Ambassador — He is con- 
tinually Foiled by French Intrigues — Suspicious Demeanor, towards 
him, of the Countess Berlips and the Queen — Complaints of the Count 
Harrach — Increasing Decrepitude of Charles — Departure of the Count 
Harrach — Will made by Charles in Favor of the Electoral Prince — 
Death of the Electoral Prince — Suspicion of Poison — Action of the 
Elector 78 


Intrigues Continued — Machinations of Cardinal Portocarrero — Incantations 
and Exorcisms to work upon the King — Despair of Charles — His Per- 
sonal and Political Feelings Opposed — D'Harcourt's Departure — De- 
parture of the Countess Berlips— The Pope Consulted — Will in Favor 
of the Archduke Destroyed — The new Will made by Charles in Favor 
of the Duke of Anjou — The Grief of Charles— His Desire to Change 
his Will — Deliberations of the Grandees — Decease of Charles — An- 
nouncement of the Will at the Spanish Court — Pleasantry of one of 
the Grandees — Mortification of the Ambassador of the Emperor — A 
Wonder in the Heavens — Its supposed Portent ... . -92 


Effect of the Will of Charles II.— The Action of France— Views of Louis 
— Feeling in Spain — Notification by the Jujitatq, Louis — Deliberations 
in the French Council — Determination to Accept the Will — The Duke 
d' Anjou Summoned — Speech of Louis to him and to the Court— First 
Action of the Courts of Holland, England, and Austria — Louis' Letter 
to the States General-r-Action of the Spanish Provijipes^Preparations , 
for War in France — Recognition of Philip by England — Letter of Will- 
iam to Heinsius— Opposition of the Emperor-^JMenace to England— 
Jlecognition by Louis of the Son of James II. as K^ng of England- 
Defiance to Holland— Circular-Letter, of Louis to Europe— Object of 
Louis in Recognizing the Pretender • 10° 



Attitude of the other Powers of Europe against France— The Electors of 
Cologne and Bavaria — Action of Holland — Louis Takes Possession of 
the Frontier Towns of the Netherlands, and Removes the Dutch Troops 
—Hesitation of Holland to Declare War— Attitude of Savoy— The 
Elector of Brandenburg— The Circles of the Empire— Extract from a 
Pamphlet of the Time— The Pope, Venice, Genoa, and the Italian 
Princes 108. 


Attitude of England as to the Succession— William's War Sentiments — Op- 
position by the Tory Party to the War — England's Forces Increased — 
The Act of the " Protestant Succession " Passed — Effect of the Recog- 
nition of the Pretender by Louis — Change of Views in England — 
William Prepares for War — Death of William — Review of William's 
career — His Hostility to France — His Character and Disposition — His 
Qualities as a Soldier — His last Words 114. 


The Duke of Anjou Departs for Spain — Farewell to his Relatives — Address 
to him by Louis — The Appearance and Character of Philip — Private 
Instructions to him from Louis — Enthusiasm of the Spainards — Philip 
Declines the Compliment of an Auto-da-f4 — Calamity on the Entry of 
Philip into Madrid — Prognostics of Evil — Banishment of the late 
Queen — State of Spain . . 125 


Compacts of the Allies and Declarations of War — Manifesto of the Emperor 
and Compact with England and Holland of 1 701 — Compact with 
Prussia — Influence of Marlborough, and Declaration of War by Eng- 
land^Formal Declaration of War by the Emperor and Circles of the 
Empire — Compact with other German States — Declaration of War by 
France — The Electors of Bavaria and Cplogpe — The War, 1701-1703 — 
Prince Eugene's Success in Italy — Marlborough's prompt Action — 
Capture, by him, of Fortresses on the Maas — ^Vend6me's Successes in 
Italy— War on the Rhine— Insurrection in the Cevennes— Holstein, 
Portugal, and Sweden Enter the Alliance— Cession of Spain to the 
Archduke, and his Manifesto— Savoy Joins the Alliance— War on the 



War 1704 and 1705— The Archduke Goes to Spain with an Army- His 
Manifesto to the Spaniards— Taking of Gibraltar by the English— War 
on the Danube— Battle of Blenheim— The French and Bavarians. 


Driven over the Rhine — Consternation at the p-rench Court — Losses of 
the French — Vend6me Successful in Italy — Siege of Gibraltar — ^War in 
Spain — The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne put under the Ban of the 
Empire — War 1706 to 1708^— The Battl^ of Ramillies — All Flanders 
Open to the Allies — Louis' Speech to ViUeroi — War in Italy and Spain 
— Raising of the Siege of Turin — Triumph of the Archduke in Spain — 
He Enters Madrid — Philip Contemplates Leaving the Country — Battle 
of Almanza and Complete Defeat of the Allies, by Marshal Berwick — 
Philip Re-enters Madrid — War in Germany and Italy — The French 
Take Ghent and Bruges — Great Battle of Oudennarde — The French 
Retreat — Taking of Lisle — War in Italy and Spain — The Pope Takes 
Sides and is Defeated. . . ... . . . . 142 


The Severe Winter of 1708-9 in France — Terrible Suffering and Famine — 
Graphic Account of .'the State of France by the Due de St. Simon — 
Indignation of the People — Insults to the King and Nobility — The 
Patron Saint, St. Genevieve, Appealed to — Sacrifice of Plate and Jevyels 
by the Court — Fran ce Worn out by the War — Deliberations in Council — 
Despondency of Ministers — Louis Offers to Withdraw his Grandson 
from Spain — Villars' Statement as to the Dejected Condition of the 
King 155 


First Overtures for Peace — Louis' Efforts in. 1705 — Action by the Elector 
of Bavaria, 1706 — Negotiations at Moerdyk and Bodegrave in 1709 — 
Negotiations at the Hague by the Marquis de Torcy — Opposition to 
Peace by the Dutch — Preliminary Articles Drawn— Louis Rejects the 
Preliminaries and Resolves to Continue the War — Louis' Instructions to 
De Torcy as to Bribing Marlborough^Marshal Villars' Encouraging 
Letter to De Torcy — Louis' Letter to Villars, and Spirited Manifesto to 
his Subjects — Philip's Letter to Louis as to his Proposed Removal . 161 


The War in 1709 — ^Active Preparations by France and the Allies — Opera- 
tions on the Rhine— The Terrible Battle of TSfo^/ayw^/— Detailed 
Description of the Battle. . . . 172 


The French Driven back from Flanders— Defeat of the Allies in Spain— 
Renev?ed Efforts by Louis for Peace— The Negotiations at Gertruyden- 
berg — Humiliating Requisitions of the Allies — Louis alone to Remove 
his Grandson— Spirited Response of the French Agents— Louis Rejects 
the Conditions— Address by the English Ministry to the States General 


—Marlborough and Eugene Oppose any Peace, and Propose to March 
into Franpe — Madaine de Ma,intenon's Meddling in the War — The Con- 
dition of Spain — Letter pfthe Queen to Louis— Resolve of Philip and 
the Spaniards to Fight to the Last;- War in 1710-1711— Philip again 
Driven frori Madrid — His Refusal to Abandon his Crown — Vendome 
sent to Spain— Victories of Brighuega and Villaviciosa— Philip Re- 
enters Madrid — War in Flanders — Taking of Bouchain — Taking of 
Rio de Janeiro 187 


Change of Administration in England — Long Continuance of the Whigs in 
Power — Influence of the Marlboroughs — Growing Dislike of the Queen 
to them — Mrs. Hill Supplants the Duchess — Dr. Sacheverell's Sermons 
and Tory Utterances — His Trial — Sympathy of the Mob — The Queen 
Favors the Tory or Peace Party — Opinions throughout the Country as 
to Peace — Triumph of Sacheverell — Removal of Whig Ministers — 
Dissolution of Parliament — Results of the New Elections — The Tories 
in Power ............ Igg 


Negotiations for Peace between England and France — Indirect Approaches 
by England — The Abbe Gaultier — His Interview with De Torcy — 
Secret Negotiations — Prior Sent to France — Death of the Emperor 
Joseph I. — Effect of his Decease on Peace Negotiations — Negotiations 
Continued — Attitude of Austria — The Emperor's Manifesto — The 
Dutch still Opposed to Peace — Action of the British Parliament — 
Final Agreement by the Cabinets of England and Holland, to Make 
Arrangements for a Permanent Peace — The 12th of January, 1712, 
Fixed on for the Peace Session — Speech of Queen Anne — New Peers 
Created— Personal Views of St. John— Extract from a Tory Pamphlet 
— War of the Pamphleteers 207 


Opposition of Marlborough, Prince Eugene, and Heinsius to Peace- 
Charges in England against Marlborough — He is Dismissed from all 
his Employments- The Duke of Ormond Replaces him as Commander- 
in-Chief — Plans of Marlborough and Eugene to Prevent Peace — ^Action 
of the Envoys of Germany, Holland, and Hanover, in England De- 
parture of Prince Eugene from England 221 


The Congress at Utrecht— The City of Utrecht— Regulations for the Ses- 
sions— Fprms to be Obseryed-T-The Mode of Procedure— The States 
J^epresented— The Ambassadors and other Personages— Opening of 


Conferences — Etiquette Observed^Opening Address bjMhe Bishop of 
Bristol — Reply of the French Ambassadors — The Demands of the 
Various States— Effect, in England, of the French Demands — Opposi- 
tion in Parliament — Protest of the Pretender . . . . '. 226 


The Sudden Decease of the Duke and the Duchess of Burgundy and the 
Dulie of Brittany — Consternation and Grief throughout France — Grave 
Suspicions of Poison against the Duke of Orleans — Character of the 
Duke and the Duchess of Burgundy — Eloquent Eulogy by St. Simon 
— Depression and Grief of Louis XIV. — Interview of Villars with the 
King — Effect of the above Events on the Congress — Renunciation 
Required of Philip to the French Crown — Louis Delays Action — 
Action of Philip — He Agrees to the Renunciation — Summary of the 
Renunciations by Philip and the French Princes — Subsequent En- 
dorsement thereof by the French Parliaments ..... 238 


War during the Progress of Negotiations — Action of the Duke of Ormond 
Commanding the English and other Contingents — St. John's Instruc- 
tions to him — Ormond's Secret Advices to Villars — Ormond's Con- 
temptible Position — His Inaction — Protest of the "Lords" — Speech 
of Lord Halifax — Ormond Withdraws his Troops, and an Armistice 
Proclaimed by Queen Anne^Indignation of the Allies — Mortification 
of the English Troops — Continued Negotiations in the Summer of 
1712 — The War Maintained by the Emperor — Quesnoy Taken by 
Prince Eugene — The English Troops Occupy Dunkirk — New Demands 
by England — Heinsius still Opposed to Peace — Louis Hastens the 
Negotiations — He Urges Villars to Fight a Battle — The Decisive 
Battle of Denain, July, 1712 — Marchiennes, Douay, Quesnoy, and 
Bouchain Taken by Villars — The Quarrel between the Lackeys of the 
French and Dutch Ambassadors at Utrecht — Its Effect on Negotiations, 249 


The Feeling in England during the Negotiations — Resolutions in the Two 
Houses of Parliament — Addresses Sent to the Queen — Public Opinion 
— Extracts from Dr. Arbuthnot's Celebrated Satire, in Behalf of the 
Tories 261 


Continued Negotiations during the Summer and Autumn of 171 2— The 
French Plenipotentiaries Become Exacting— Arrogant Speech by them 


to the Dutch Envoys— St. John's Private Negotiations with De Torcy — 
He is Created Viscount Bolingbroke— His Secret Mission to France— 
Bolingbroke's Despatches to Prior— Pretensions of France— Intrigues 
of the Dutch — New Delays by France — Further Despatches to Prior — 
Ultimata of England— Perplexity of the Plenipotentiaries— The Trea- 
ties finally Signed 275 


Digest of the Text of the Various Treaties — Treaty with England, Holland, 
Portugal, Prussia, Savoy, and other States at Utrecht — Subsequent 
Treaties between England and Spain; Germany and France — The 
Barrier Treaty — Holland and the Emperor — Spain and Portugal — 
Memorial of the Protestants 284 


Reception of the Treaty of Utrecht — Views in Germany — Sentiment in 
England and Holland — Opinion of Louis XIV. and the Marquis De 
Torcy — ^Views of Historians and Others — Views in Favor of the Peace 
— Bolingbroke's Reflections upon it — Macaulay's Views — The Clause 
in the Treaty with Great Btitain Recognizing the Protestant Succes- 
sion ' 302 


After the Peace — Queen Anne — Her Address to Parliament — Action of 
that Body — Quarrel between Oxford and Bolingbroke — Death of the 
Queen — Disgrace of Oxford and Bolingbroke — Ormond, Strafford, and 
Prior Indicted for High Treason — Atterbury's Punishment — Marl- 
borough's Return — The Rancor pf the Powers Continued — Attempts to 
Violate the Treaty — Philip's Efforts to Regain his Dominions — Alber- 
•oni's Schemes — The Triple Alliance — The Quadruple Alliance — War 
renewed — Repression of Philip ........ 325 


The Declining Health of Louis XIV. — Efforts to Divert him — Attacks on 
Jansenism by Louis and the Jesuits — Death of the Duke de Berry 
— Last Malady of the King — His Affecting Interview with his Great- 
grandson — His Speech to his Ministers — His Last Words — His Char- 
acter — The Views of St. Simon and Voltaire on his Character and 
Reign — Effects of his Reign on France 345 



The Doctrine of the Balance of Power as specially Recognized in the Treaty 
of Utrecht — The Provisions therein as to the Doctrine of Free Ships 
making Free Goods — The Provision for the Demolition of the Harbor 
of Dunkirk Made a Precedent during the Civil War in the United 
States — The Recent War of the Spanish " Succession." . . . 354 


The Arbitrament of Arms 378 

Appendix 391 


History of a Great Treaty. 


The Doctrine of the " Balance of Power." — The Preponderance of Power 
of Charles V. — Apprehension of the Power of Philip II. — The Ad- 
justment of National Power in the General Interest. — Elizabeth. 
— Henry IV. — The Treaty of Westphalia. 


The political doctrine of the maintenance of a " Balance 
of Power," among nations, although often attacked as un- 
wise, is one founded on a natural principle. 

It has, at times, been made the pretext for aggression 
by a nation, when jealous of another's power, or when 
ambitious of aggrandizement. 

The fundamental principle, however, that bases the doc- 
trine, is that of self-protection — a right as natural and just 
for natibns as for individuals. To this right is appended 
the moral obligation of interference for the protection ©f 
the weak against the strong. 

In the great wars in which the nations of Western Europe 
were engaged, during and since the days of Charles V., 
the question of the balance of power either was originally 
involved or became an essential consideration in the conse- 
quent terms of pacification. 

Before that time, the isolation of nations, the extent of 
land as compared with their population, and, in fact, their 
mutual ignorance of each other, restricted the views as 
well as the ambition of the great states ; and the difificul- 
ties of communication and the inefficient nature of the arms 
of warfare limited their powers of aggression. ' 



Since the period of Charlemagne, the nations had been in 
a formative state. The various-dynasties had not become 
permanently strengthened in their possessions — thrones had 
been insecure ; — territorial limits had been undefined — and 
the various struggles between kings, nobles and people, in 
efforts to enlarge or diminish their respective powei;s, had 
much engaged each country in its own affairs and kept it 
comparatively free from international contests. The quar- 
rels of dynasties, the antagonism of rulers, the repugnance 
of races, the struggles between the Papal and Imperial 
power, the claims to some portion of another's territory, 
contests with Turk and Moor, the rancor between rival 
Popes, the attempts at aggrandizement of great families, 
the struggles for independence by the smaller communities, 
and the assertion of their privileges by burghers against 
feudalism, had, at times, caused prolonged contests : but, 
in general, their duration was brief, their aims were not 
extensive, and their results circumscribed. Each great ruler 
had, for the most part, sufficient to occupy him in contests 
with his own feudatories ; in centralizing, uniting and hold- 
ing his own realms, and in there strengthening his power. 

It was not until nations became strong, compact and 
integrated within themselves, that the rulers of modern 
Europe could afford to be widely ambitious. 

The extension of national domain by the absorption of 
foreign territory, and the efforts to prevent this, did not 
enlist the attention of rulers, as a matter of international 
regard, until the overbalancing power of Charles V. aroused 
the apprehension of Europe ; and the doctrine of the bal- 
ance of power came to be recognized as one, in which all 
the States, even the smallest, had an interest. History 
showed that the great power wielded by that Emperor, and 
by his son Philip had been fraught with danger. It had 
disturbed the peace of Europe and embroiled the relations 
and imperilled the existence of minor States. 

While the extensive rule of Charles V. had excited the 
particular apprehension of France against Germany, the 
attack on England, by Philip IL, and the oppression of the 
Netherlands by that monarch and his successors, had made 


the necessity of a restriction of power particularly apparent 
to both England and Holland ; and the smaller States of 
Europe, and the Pope himself, saw that it was necessary 
for their peace and safety and for the public tranquillity, 
that neither the dominion of the Empire nor of France 
should unduly preponderate. It was necessary that those 
great sovereignties should mutually balance and check each 
other ; and that some principles of national right and 
national morality, to protect the weak and restrain the 
strong, should be asserted and maintained, by mutual com- 
bination, and even, if necessary, by force of arms. 

The question of the political balance of States entered 
thereafter, largely into all matters of European polity; and, 
in the making of treaties and settlement of dynasties, the 
question of territorial dominion often involved far reaching 
international considerations. 

The ideas of the adjustment of national power in the 
general interest, and for the preservation of national inde- 
pendence, took prominent shape in European politics in 
the period of Queen Elizabeth's reign in England, and of 
that of Henry IV. in France. Each of those sovereigns, 
motived by apprehension of the aggrandizement of the 
House of Austria, had enunciated views and initiated de- 
signs which had for their object the regulation of govern- 
mental interests with regard to the general welfare. 

A plan introduced by Henry, at the instigation of his 
wise minister, Sully, was of an extensive international char- 
acter ; whereby there should be an alliance of all the States 
of Europe, both large and small, with a view to the settle^ 
ment of all questions between nations by arbitration, 
through a joint accord. Thereby, it was designed to pre- 
vent the aggressions of ambition and to maintain a public 

But neither the state of European political thought, then, 
nor the advanced moral conscientiousness among rulers, 
would permit the success of such golden measures ; — nor 
indeed, would success attend them now — and the sword is 
still, as ever, the arbiter of political right. 

The Treaty of Westphalia (October, 1648), which marks 


an important era in European history, and terminated the 
great religious war which had deluged Europe with blood 
for 30 years (1618-1648), contemplated, in its features, 
such adjustment of territory and dominion as would give 
no State an undue preponderance. 

That treaty had, by its terms, sensibly increased the do- 
minion of France by decreasing that of the Empire. It 
also had diminished the power of the Emperor within his 
own dominions, and denationalized the Empire by giving 
to each State comprised in it a right of sovereignty, through 
representation in the Diet, with liberty of concluding trea- 
ties and alliances and levying contributions ; thereby estab- 
lishing the partial autonomy of the Germanic States. 

By this treaty, France gained Alsace, and was confirmed 
in the possession of the Bishoprics of Toul, Metz and Ver- 
dun, and the prefecture of the ten imperial cities, which 
Louis XIV. afterwards, (1673), reduced to absolute subjec- 

By this Treaty, also, a religious toleration was provided 
for in the German States ; and each State was to have the 
right to prescribe the form of worship within its limits ; 
and all subjects were to have the right to emigrate from 
the State where their creed was prohibited. 

The upper Palatinate was to be retained by the Duke of 
Bavaria, who was in possession ; and the lower Palatinate 
was secured to Charles Louis, son of the deposed Elector 
Frederick V., with an 8th Electoral vote. An important 
part of this Treaty also, was the recognition of the Dutch 
and Swiss Republics, by all Europe, as independent States. 

The Pope, alone, denounced this great Treaty which paci- 
fied Europe, as " null, invalid and iniquitous." He natu- 
rally made his protest against an extensive international 
compact, which, by recognizing religious toleration in 
States, as one of the ends of the pacification, was a great 
step forward in European moral and civil progress, and for- 
ever destroyed all Papal power and most of its influence, as 
a factor in the determination of international affairs. 


Preliminary View of the great States of Europe that became involved in 
the War of the Spanish Succession. — Charles V. — Philip II. — Ger- 
many and the Circles of the Empire. — Spain. — Holland. — The 
Spanish Netherlands. — England. — France. — Peace of the Pyrenees. 
— Commencement of the Reign of Louis XIV. — Colbert. 

In order to a satisfactory understanding of the circum- 
stances that led to the great war of the Spanish Succes- 
sion, a glance is proper at the condition of the principal 
States of Europe that became engaged in that war, and 
also a brief review of the contests that immediately pre- 
ceded it. 

The restless ambition of Louis XIV., his love of power, 
and, as it is termed, of " Glory," kept Europe in a con- 
tinued agitation for the entire period of his reign : and 
such was the strength and resources of his kingdom, the 
intelligence of his ministers, the valor of his troops, the 
ability of his generals, as well as his own genius for ruling 
and direction, that, if it had not been for the alliances 
formed between England and the great continental powers 
to prevent the preponderance of France, there would have 
been such an extension of French dominion as to have 
entirely changed the political face of Europe, and probably, 
to have altered the religion, morals and habits of many of 
the other European States. 


The House of Burgundy was, at one time, one of the 
most powerful States in Europe; and, besides its -French 
possessions, for which it was feudatory to France, absorbed 
in succession Flanders, Antwerp, Malines, the Duchies of 
Brabant and Limbourg, Namur, Hainault, and Luxem- 
bourg; and, subsequently, the Compt^s of Holland, Flan- 
ders, Artois and Zealand ; also the States of Zutphen and 



Friesland ; and Charles the Bold became the richest 
Prince of his time. 

Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Charles the Bold, as 
heiress of the Netherlands, brought all these rich provinces 
to the House of Austria, by marriage, (in 1477) with the 
Archduke Maximilian, son of the Emperor Frederick. The 
son of these, Philip, (in 1496), married Jeanne or Joanna la 
FoUe, daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon, and Isabella of 
Castile, whose marriage had united the two great divisions 
of Spain. Philip, subsequently, became king of Spain, 
as Philip I. 

The son of Philip was the celebrated Charles V., who 
became king of Spain, and added to his estates in the 
Netherlands, the Bishopric of Utrecht, also, Gronigen, 
Gueldres, and Over-Yssel. Subsequently, elected Emperor 
of Germany, in 15 19, Charles continued to rule over Spain 
and its colonies and dependencies, a^ king, and over the 
Austrian possessions of his house, as Archduke ; and con- 
sequently possessed greater dominion and power than any 
sovereign that had reigned in Europe since the days of 

He constituted his provinces in the Netherlands into 
the Germanic "circle" called that of Burgundy; and 
ceded his hereditary Austrian dominions to his brother 
Ferdinand, who afterwards succeeded him as Emperor. 
Majorca, Sardinia, Naples and Sicily, had also come to 
Charles, by succession, through the House of Aragon. 

The German Empire with the vast dominions under the 
control of the great head of the House of Austria, was a 
most formidable power in Europe ; and, as has been before 
remarked, awakened the minds of other sovereigns to the 
necessity of checking such preponderance, unless all West- 
ern Europe was to be under the control of a single head. 

Under the rule of that Emperor, the House of Austria 
had possession and dominion over Spain, Portugal, all the 
rich countries of America, the Netherlands, the Milanese, 
the Kingdoms of Naples, Bohemia and Hungary, and all 
Germany: and, after the battle of Pavia, in 1525, Charles 
was, in effect, the master of Italy. 


Worn out by the cares and anxieties of this great domin- 
ion and his numerous wars in its defence ; and harassed by 
the religious differences in his German States, Charles ex- 
changed his crown (in 1555) for a Spanish cloister — and his 
great Empire became divided. 

To his son Philip was given Spain and its colonies, and 
other dependencies ; and his Austrian possessions, as well 
as the Imperial crown of Germany became the possession 
of his brother, Ferdinand. 

At about the time of the majority of Louis XIV., what 
was deemed Germany consisted of a collection of upwards 
of 300 Confederate States, some of large, some of very 
small extent — some being merely free cities, some ecclesi- 
astical sovereignties, some petty secular principalities, some 
powerful realms ; of all which the Emperor was the supreme 
potentate ; with reservation of certain rights and freedom of 
action to the separate States. 

Although the title of Emperor gave with it a certain 
power, it gave no estates — but the most powerful of the 
German reigning families, being the House of Austria, had 
gradually so extended its influence, as to arrogate to itself 
a hereditary right to the Imperial Crown, although the 
form of an election, by the Electors of the Empire, was 
always observed. 

For purposes of protection and concord among them- 
selves the German Empire was divided into ten combina- 
tions or circles, viz. : Austria, Bavaria, Upper Saxony, 
Lower Saxony, Westphalia, the upper Rhine, the lower 
Rhine, Franconia and Swabia ; nominally also, the Belgicus 
or Belgian, comprising the provinces of Holland and the 
ten provinces, sometimes called Flanders. 


Spain at this time was governed by the elder branch of 
the House of Austria. 

At the time of the death of Charles V. and the division 
of his dominions, Spain was the most powerful State iri 


To sustain her power she controlled the riches of Mexico 
and Peru ; and her armies and her vast navies were main- 
tained by supplies of treasure, that no other European 
State could obtain, through the most extensive taxation of 
the industry or estates of its subjects. 

This power, maintained by continually incoming wealth, 
seemed continually growing, and threatened, for a long 
time, the liberties of other of the great States : but even 
the power and dominion of Spain seemed, in time, to 
produce weakness. 

Her arrogance and pretensions caused wars that drained 
her resources and raised up bitter enmities. The extent of 
her possessions, and their distance from the mother coun- 
try caused the employment and removal of large bodies of 
troops; and, under the successors of Philip II., as has been 
aptly remarked, Spain became a vast body without sufifi- 
cient power to move or animate it ; governed more by the 
fear of its reputed strength than by its existing force, and 
its dominions began gradually, like useless limbs, to fall 

Under Philip IV. Portugal, Roussillon and Catalonia 
were lost to the State ; and long before, the States of the 
Low Dutch countries, generally known as Holland, had se- 
cured their independence and thrown off the Spanish yoke ; 
the monarchs had become ignorant, bigoted, and shut up 
in foolish ceremony, and did nothing to promote the hap- 
piness of their subjects or the welfare of their country. 

Still Spain was a formidable power — and the riches of 
America still flowed into its Treasury, although the corrup- 
tion of its ofKcials and the weakness of its administration, 
diverted much of this Treasure from the purposes of the 
State ; and lowered the manhood that had made the Span- 
ish soldier noted in the annals of European war. 


The United Provinces of the Netherlands, although of 
small extent, played an important part in the arena of 
modern European war and politics. 


The hardihood of the early inhabitants of these regions — 
the Prison and the Batavian — had battled, in the midst of 
their morasses, with Roman and Saxon and Frank and Ger- 
man, struggling for the independence of the miserable 
strips of land which barely yielded sustenance, but were al- 
ways the subject of attack. 

The hardihood of these early men had descended to a 
people no less determined to be free. A people daring, 
enterprising, persevering — born almost in the sea, which 
they had mastered — nurtured amid morass and fen — exposed 
to icy blasts from the North, and humid exhalations from 
canal and dyke — taught early and ever, to battle with na- 
ture or to perish — where the face of the sea and land and 
sky, pale, sad and leaden, gave seriousness to the mind and 
resolve to the character — a people whose patriotism more 
than once overwhelmed their land with the floods of Ocean 
to keep out the invader, and whose courage never gave way 
under oppression or defeat. 

With a country, insignifi-cant in size, and feeble in re- 
sources, this people, in 1579 had declared themselves a 
free nation, whose national character was thereafter formed 
amid perils and tears and blood ! 

For nearly eighty years, with little intermission, they bat- 
tled with the fierce legions of Spain in defence of country 
and home and life — for eighty years they showed a courage 
and perseverance under oppression, disaster and defeat, 
unparalleled in human history — and, finally, the Seven 
United Provinces of the Netherlands, having established 
their liberties and consolidated their State took their stand 
among the nations of Europe, and vied with them in 
schemes of trade, exploration and dominion. 

Waging a combat with Nature, as well as against the 
aggression and cruelty of man, in a region where there was 
more water than land — " where no animal could subsist in 
a natural state " — where the winters were long and bitter, 
and the yield of earth but small — they had, by barrier and 
dyke, constructed meadows and gardens in the midst of the 
waters — and the fierce seas, that had raged about them. 


were subdued, and tamely led, in canal and stream, through- 
out the desolate land, to give it fertility and bloom. 

The noisome fen and rank morass and, even the inlets of 
the seas, now waved with golden grain — and where had 
stormed the billows, peaceful cattle browsed, and tulip and 
hyacinth and blossoming fruit lent their varying beauties to 
the pastoral scene. 

The forests had been hewn to support the houses of com- 
merce, amid turreted cities that rose majestically from the 
waters ;— great marts of trade, where resorted merchants 
from all the civilized world ; and where probity of dealing 
and industry and thrift gave honor and prosperity, where 
they had been dearly and nobly earned. 

At the beginning of the war of deliverance against Spain, 
the Netherlands consisted of seventeen provinces, but the 
confederation of those who declared their compact of union 
at Utrecht (1579) were those subsequently known as " The 
Seven United Provinces," often designated in history un- 
der the name of " Holland." 

These seven provinces consisted of Guelderland, Hol- 
land, Zeeland, Utrecht, Over-Yssel, Friesland and Gronin- 
gen ; and were in favor of the Protestant religion. At the 
Treaty of Westphalia, in 1648, as has been seen above, 
their independence was formally recognized as that of a 
Federal Commonwealth. 

The Southern provinces, often in history called Flanders, 
or the Spanish Netherlands, remained subject to Spain, un- 
der the immediate control of a Spanish governor or viceroy. 
They became, as has been said of them, the chosen fight- 
ing ground of Europe, and the chosen plaything of Euro- 
pean diplomacy. 

The people of the Seven United Provinces had shown to 
Europe what the love of liberty, the spirit of industry and 
the force of national character could do in forming and 
maintaining a State ; and having worn out, by their hardi- 
hood, the trained veterans of Spain and her Italian merce- 
naries, under the command of the greatest captains of the 
age, the little Republic, theretofore counting for nothing in 
European politics, became a recognized factor in them. 


Since the recognition of the independence of the Prov- 
inces, they had gone on increasing their resources and unit- 
ing their strength, and had formed a State whose friendship 
was to be cultivated, and whose enmity was formidable. 
Their naval power was rapidly augmented — they wrested 
from Spain and Portugal a large portion of their Indian 
trade — their fishing boats swarmed in distant seas, and 
added to the national wealth — they plant'ed colonies in the 
islands of the East — they visited realms of sun and snow in 
furtherance of commerce and discovery — and became the 
factors, carriers and financiers of Europe — they built up a 
navy that at one time checked a Spanish Armada and, at 
another drove English fleets from the sea, and triumphantly 
sailed up the Thames. 

Recovering from the depression of a bloody struggle, 
which had taxed their life and their resources, their moral 
progress had equalled their political one, — they established 
public schools, and gave to Europe the example of freedom 
of education, of conscience and religion — and made their 
country, in the face of the inhumanity and intolerance of 
the time, an asylum for the persecuted and oppressed. 


England, at about the time that Louis XIV. took upon 
himself an active part in public affairs, was not a power of 
very high consequence in European politics. 

Cromwell, it is true, had asserted her power and main- 
tained her dignity during his brief but vigorous administra- 
tion ; but, since the Restoration, under the reign of the 
second Charles, still weakened by internal dissensions, vacil- 
lating in policy and governed by a heedless, unpatriotic and 
pleasure-seeking monarch, the influence of England had 
become sensibly diminished. 

Her resources were small, her finances disturbed, her 
navy had lost its skill and its daring, she had no standing 
army, and no generals capable of commanding one ; her 
statesmen were corru'pt and narrow minded ; and England 
became, in a short time, and for many years remained, in 


effect, a mere dependency upon the French crown— bought 
by its gold, obedient to its dictation and subservient to its 
interests ; and the feeble Charles turned her navies against 
those who had given him shelter and support; and who 
were, by nature, and sympathy, his allies. 


The great object of Henry IV. had been to lower the 
House of Austria and spread French influence over Europe. 

This policy had been followed by Richelieu ; and, at his 
death, in 1642, he had left France powerful, and its influ- 
ence in Europe greater than ever before. 

Mazarin followed, in the same ideas, and Louis XIV. ex- 
ceeded, in his ambitious scope, all the monarchs and minis- 
ters who had preceded him. 

Louis was born in September, 1638, and became, in 165 1, 
of the legal age to govern, but, during his actual minority, 
paid no regai'd to public affairs. When he became king, 
through the death of his father, Louis XIII., a war was 
raging with Spain, which had not been terminated by the 
Peace of Westphalia, and which was continued during 
a large part of his minority ; and, from the succession of 
Louis XIV. down to the recognized establishment of his 
grandson on the Spanish throne, by the treaty of Utrecht, 
there raged between France and the other great powers 
of Western Europe a series of prolonged and devastating 

The famous treaty of the Pyrenees, which, in 1659, finally 
terminated the long war with Spain, also embraced the in- 
teresting feature of a marriage between the young King, 
then about twenty-one years of age, and the daughter of 
Philip IV. of Spain, the Infanta Donna Maria Theresa. 
On the death of Cardinal Mazarin, in 1661, Louis began 
really to reign ; and startled his ministers and council by a 
forcible declaration so to do. 

At 22 years of age, he found himself at the head of a 
kingdom whose armies had been weakened and shattered 
in civil dissensions and foreign wars, and whose finances 


were deranged not only by the expenses of war but by 
peculation, extravagance and other official abuse. 

By the intelligence of the king, however, by his aptitude 
for business, and his talent for reigning, and, through the 
exertions of the able ministers Le Tellier, Colbert and 
Louvois, he built up France ; her finances were re-estab- 
lished, her industry and commerce were developed, her 
navy became formidable, her armies spread over Europe 
and gained laurels for a Monarch, who, in time, became the 
despoiler of States, and a dictator to Princes. 

To his great Minister, Colbert, whose wise administration 
shed lustre on his master's Crown, was Louis particularly 
indebted for the prosperity that marked the earlier portion 
of his reign. 

Far seeing, humane and just, Colbert's comprehensive 
genius sought out and, rectified abuses, relieved the labor- 
ing and agricultural classes from the oppression of undue 
taxation and feudal exaction, controlled the ambitious 
schemes and plots of courtiers and office-holders, cut off 
sinecures, put a stop to official plunder, and instituted a 
policy of peace. He opposed the oppression of the Prot- 
estants, encouraged art, science and literature : and, by his 
judicious changes in finance and in naval and military af- 
fairs, and by other wise and comprehensive schemes of re- 
form and improvement, so developed the agricultural, com- 
mercial and financial resources of the kingdom as to make 
France the most powerful, prosperous and intellectual na- 
tion of Europe. 


Acts of Louis XIV. on assuming the Reins of Government. — War 
against Spain of 1667. — The Triple Alliance, — Peace of Aix-La- 
Chapelle. — War against Holland; 1672-1679. — Declaration of War 
by England against Holland. — Desperate condition of Holland. — 
Williarri of Orange made Stadt-holder and Generalissimo. — Progress 
of the War. — Peace made between Holland and England. — Treaty 
of Westminster. — Germany and Spain unite with Holland. — Peace of 
Nymeguen 1678- 1679. 


Cardinal Mazarin had said of Louis XIV., presaging 
his thirst for power and genius for ruling, " He has set 
out rather late ; but he will go farther than anybody else. 
There is stuff enough in him to make four kings, and an 
honest man." 

On taking the actual reins of government in his hands, 
at about the age of twenty-three, Louis immediately forti- 
fied his frontiers, renewed his alliances, and began reforms 
in the administration of justice and the finances. 

When Mazarin died, in March, 1661, there was no war 
with Spain. Prosperity for France seemed assured, both in 
its foreign and domestic relations. The peace of the Pyre- 
nees however, was of no long duration, and the young 
king's thirst for conquest soon developed itself. 

War was begun against Spain by Louis, during the child- 
hood of Charles II., the latter's mother being regent of that 
kingdom. There was no plausible pretext for war against 
his young brother-in-law and a weak and decaying neighbor- 
ing kingdom. A pretext was made that Philip IV. had not 
paid the dowry of the French Queen, and Flanders and 
Franche Comtd were claimed as an indemnity. 

The Spanish possession of the Netherlands, unfortunate 
Flanders, which was quite unprepared for resistance, be- 



came again the great theatre of war. i Charleroi, Ath, Tour- 
nay, Courtrai, Lisle and other important places in French 
Flanders and Hainault capitulated, after a few days' siege 
of each, by an army that seemed to make a pastime of the 
campaign, and easily scattered the small Spanish army of 
occupation of 8000 men. The whole of Flanders bordering 
on France was taken in three months. The king, at the 
head of his brilliant officers, courtiers and merry makers, 
then marched in a series of easy triumphs, through Franche 
Comt^, a peaceful semi-independent country, under the 
protection of Spain ; it made but a feeble resistance, and in 
three weeks, became a French possession. 

Europe began now to awaken to a sense of the danger of 
allowing this new monarch to have his own way, who made 
war as an amusement, and, with scarcely a pretext, devas- 
tated peaceful countries and fortified himself by annexing 
all the strongholds within his reach. 

England had made peace (that of Breda, in 1667) with 
Holland, after a war which had brought no honor to the 
former country ; and now England, Sweden and Holland 
(Jan., 1668) entered into a compact called " The Triple Al- 
liance" which bound those Protestant States together in 
close union, and, by their threatening attitude, compelled 
Louis to ma,ke peace. This was the peace of Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle, made in May, 1668. 

By this Treaty, it was stipulated, that the contracting 
parties were not to give up any of their "pretensions." 
Spain yielded to France various towns in the Spanish Neth- 
erlands, on the rivers Sambre, the Scheldt, the Dender and 
the Lys, which Louis immediately began to strengthen, 
under the superintendence of Vauban. Franche Comt6, 
however, was given back to Spain, but in a defenceless 
state ; and certain fortresses which had been held by France 
were also yielded with their strong works demolished. 

By the retention of fortresses on the frontier, and the 
strengthening of others, another war was evidently contem- 
plated by the ambitious young king, on whom Fortune 
seemed everywhere to smile. 



France had now been at peace for less than two years, 
when the restless ambition of Louis began to move him 
toward another contest. 

He had been especially aggrieved that Holland should 
have dared to enter into the compact against him which 
had checked his pi'ogress in the late war. 

He, therefore, now sought to detach England from her 
alliance with Holland, so that the latter might fall an easy 
prey to his armies. 

Charles H. of England, who was without either magna- 
nimity or honor, and who wanted money for his pleasures, 
became an easy convert to the views of Louis. 

French money and the intrigues of French diplomacy 
were materially assisted by the persuasions of Charles' sis- 
ter, Henrietta, the wife of the French king's only brother, 
the Duke of Orleans, as well as by the wiles and smiles of 
Mademoiselle de Querouaille, afterwards Duchess of Ports- 
mouth, who was sent over by Louis, as the most potent di- 
plomatist he could select to influence the frivolous English 

A secret league was thereupon made in May, 1670, with 
England, or rather with Charles, and little Holland was left 
for Louis to devour at his leisure. 

The formidable preparations that Louis was making for 
his new conquest caused great consternation in Holland, 
which was, at that time, somewhat divided by civil dissen- 
sions and totally unprepared for war. 

Her people had long peaceably cultivated the soil, and 
given their attention to commerce which had made them 
prosperous, but indisposed them to warlike operations by 
land, in which they were quite inexperienced. 

Their little militia army of 25,000 bourgeois appeared con- 
temptible in the eyes of the great monarchs of Europe, 
although the Dutch navy was formidable, having, during 
the period of the English commonwealth, and in the early 
years of Charles' reign, defied the navies of England, in 
many a gallant fight. 


Louis gave no pretext for his hostility, except that the 
Dutch had treated him contemptuously in their pamphlets, 
and he complained that a medal had been struck in Hol- 
land, ridiculing him ■ — It was the pretext of the wolf to the 

England gave equally feeble reasons. Charles was con- 
tent with his stipend of ;^20o,ooo a year ; and agreed to 
furnish fifty men-of-war. 

Every preparation was made to entirely crush the de- 
fenceless Republic, that breathlessly awaited the attack. 

De Groot, the Dutch minister at Paris, thus wrote to the 
States General, in Nov., 1671 : " I leave you to judge with 
what heartbreaking, I continue in this country, where noth- 
ing is to be heard but invectives against their High-might- 
inesses, and where, as I am informed, a manifesto is pre- 
paring against them." 

He subsequently writes, in relation to the alleged causes 
of grievance, by France, against Holland ; specifying, 
among others, the duties imposed by Holland on French 
wines, and concludes thus: " But it is certain that the only 
discontent they have here, against their High-mightinesses,, 
is not founded on any reason, but arises from their puffed 
up pride, which cannot suffer that so small a State should 
dare to put itself on a level with a King ; either in main- 
taining the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle or in laying duties upon 
the produce of their Kingdom ; imagining that it does not 
become such a Republic to show so little respect to this King 
as to presume to counteract or frustrate his edicts by their 
placards." He writes also of the gathering of troops and 
other preparations made by France, evidently directed 
against Holland alone — of the manufacture of " frost shoes," 
of light portable bridges for crossing rivers, and of portable 
boats made of reeds and rushes, and of the movement of 
fleets and armies. To the remonstrances of De Groot 
against these threatening preparations for war, Louis re- 
turned the abrupt reply that " he could give no other an- 
swer than that he was busy assembling his troops and equip- 
ping his fleet : which, being done, he would take such reso- 
lutions as he should deem most conducive to his interests 


and his glory." Soon after, he gave the Dutch Ambassa- 
dor to understand that he had better return home. 

De Groot, thereupon, wrote to the States General to the 
effect that there was no time now for negotiation or media- 
tion, but that they must be prepared, at any moment, to 
find the French in the heart of their dominions. 

Louis, subsequently, sent an insolent and sarcastic letter 
to the States General, dated 6th Jan., 1672 ; in which he 
accuses them of want of proper regard for him and his in- 
terests, and thus concludes : " If it is true, as you recognize 
the fact, that justice is the rule of your conduct and actions, 
and that you are satisfied with the view you take of them, 
you ought not to be so disquieted, as you are, about our 
arms. We will now plainly say to you that we will increase 
our armament by land and sea, as pleases us ; and when in 
the condition that we propose to place it, we will employ 
it as suits our dignity, without any account to render to 
anybody — being assured that God and those Potentates 
who have not been prejudiced against us, by sinister means, 
will approve our resolution. 

" Your good friend, ally and confederate, 


Holland received, at first, no aid or sympathy from the 
other Powers of Europe, who might well be alarmed at this 
new attack on the liberties of States. 

The Archbishop of Cologne, Maximilian of Bavaria, and 
the Bishop of Munster were brought over to French inter- 
ests, with little trouble ; and in March, 1672, war was for- 
mally declared against Holland, both by France and Eng- 
land. Thirty men-of-war, of fifty pieces of cannon each, 
joined with the English fleet were to operate by sea, and 
the king, with his brother, marched to the frontiers at 
the head of 112,000 men who were eager for plunder and 
military distinction. 

The great generals Turenne, Cond^ and Luxembourg, 
were to move the hosts in the field, while the sieges were 
to be under charge of the great engineer and siege-master, 
Vauban : and Louvois, the war minister, was active in all 
that related to the armament and provisioning of the troops. 

WAR AGAINST HOLLAND i6'j2-i6y<j. ig 

To climax all, Pelisson, the historian, accompanied the king 
to chronicle his victories ; and a crowd of the nobility offi- 
cered the forces or figured in the ranks. The Garde du 
corps, the gendarmes of the garde, the light horsemen and 
the mousquet aires glittering in arms and decorated with 
gold and silver, marched eagerly forward thirsting for pro- 
motion, and for distinction in the eyes of the court, and, 
above all, of the king. The Queen and the two Mistresses 
also attended with their brilliant households to witness the 
great play of war. Holland was rapidly overwhelmed by 
the torrent of her invaders — Lorraine, which sided with her, 
was seized — the Rhine was crossed with feeble opposition — 
the fortified towns of Rhineberg, Orsoy, Wesel, and Burich 
and others on the Rhine gave in, almost without a blow, 
and others, on the Ysel, soon followed. 

The lines beyond the Rhine were abandoned as the storm 
of war swept Eastward and Northward. The French then 
rapidly took Zutphen, Arnheim, Nymeguen, Bommel and 
other fortified places in Guelderland, that surrendered, 
helpless against overpowering numbers. Utrecht, too, was 
taken, where Louis established his camp ; and the Prov- 
inces of Utrecht, Over-Yssel and Guelderland lay panting 
and fearful at the feet of the conqueror. 

Amsterdam less than thirty miles north of Utrecht awaited 
her turn — the skirmishers were within a league of her gates 
— her rich citizens, with their families, were preparing for 
flight to Batavia or some other colonial region — De Witt 
the grand Pensionary was ready to yield — and timid pa- 
triots gave up their country as lost, and were almost ready 
to submit to the yoke of France. 

Deputies were now sent to beg for mercy and peace. 
But they were received with harshness, and ridicule: the 
terms offered were dishonorable and insulting, including, 
among others, that the Roman Catholic religion should be 
established, and that, every year, an Ambassador extraor- 
dinary should be sent to France, with the written acknowl- 
edgment that the Hollanders held their liberties from the 
hand of the French king ! 

These terms were so intolerable that all revolted from 


thoughts of peace— the courage of desperation took the 
place of concession — all hearts turned, for their deliverance, 
to the young Prince William of Orange who was elected 
Stadt-holder and General of all the forces by land and sea 
to lead them on to a desperate and final struggle for their 
lives and liberty. 

The suffering populace, in their frenzy, massacred the 
Pensionary De Witt and his brother, who were opposed to 
William in his policy of government. 

With a patriotism that preferred self-immolation to sur- 
render, the dykes were opened — and the seas poured in : — 
the rich plains were submerged — and Amsterdam stood, 
like a lioness, at bay, in the midst of the waste of waters. 

The French, unable to accomplish their purpose while 
the country was thus flooded, finding their tactics of no 
avail and their vast numbers useless, retired precipitately. 

The Dutch fleets were now free to move : De Ruyter 
fought the combined English and French squadrons, drove 
them from the coasts, and safely convoyed the Dutch, In- 
diamen into the great bay of the Zuyder Zee. 

The Prince of Orange, although not yet 23 years of age, 
took a bold and active part in resisting the invasion. He 
cut the Dykes wherever the French threatened to move, 
and gave up his private fortune to the needs of his country. 
He fought the enemy by sea and land, and finally, opened 
secret negotiations with Spain and the Emperor. 

Seriously alarmed, they responded ; and soon, the Gov- 
ernor of Flanders, the Emperor Leopold and the Elector of 
Brandenburg sent contributions of troops to the aid of Hol- 
land; and a formal league was made, in August, 1672. 

Louis left Holland to his generals to finish the conquest he 
had undertaken, and which, had their movements been more 
rapid, might have been accomplished : but his army was 
divided and shut up in the various fortified places and dis- 
tricts taken, and the golden opportunity was gone. The 
allies soon, thereafter, seized Cologne, and intercepted com- 
munication between France and Holland by the Rhine. 
The Empire, the Elector of Brandenburg, and Spain were 
now fairly in the field against France; from every part of 


Germany troops poured toward the Rhine, and a great Eu- 
ropean war resulted. 

Franche Comtd was again invaded, and submitted to the 
French : the war raged along the Rhine and in Lorraine and 
Alsace, where Turenne achieved rapid success, and carried 
fire and sword into the Palatinate, in a manner that called 
forth the denunciations of Europe. 

Condd operated his forces in Flanders opposed to William, 
where the contest was obstinate and bloody, but not de- 
cisive. Charles II. of England was now compelled by public 
opinion there, to secede from his alliance with France ; and 
in Feb., 1674, he concluded a separate peace with Holland, 
known as the Treaty of Westminster. 

In 1674 and 1675, the war continued to rage along the 
Rhine with varying success. Montecuculi and other able 
generals of the allies checked the victorious progress of the 
French — their great captain, Turenne, having been killed, 
at Salzbach. 

Louis, in spite of some checks, and the drain on his re- 
sources continued singly to oppose the United forces of the 
Empire, Spain and Holland, and took Condd, Bouchain, 
Valenciennes and Cambray on the Scheldt, and other places 
in Hainault, where the Prince of Orange opposed him, with 
skilful tactics and untiring energy. Ghent and Ypres also 
yielded to the French. 

Luxembourg and Crequi conducted the king's armies in 
Germany, but lost the important post of Philipsbourg on 
the upper Rhine. 

As a result, so far, in the war, the French were generally 
successful in Flanders and Germany, and obtained several 
important naval victories. 


All sides were now, however, worn out with this terrible 
war which had for nearly seven years desolated central 

Finally, Louis, having by intrigue, caused jealousies and 
differences among the allies, dictated almost his own terms 


of the peace which was signed, as between the Dutch and 
French, at Nymeguen, on the loth of August, 1678, contrary 
to the active opposition of the Stadtholder. 

By this treaty, Louis added to his dominions Franche 
Comtd and Dunkerque ; and half of Flanders, commonly 
known as French Flanders, were to be retained by him, 
including the important towns of Valenciennes, Charlemont, 
Cambrai, Bouchain, Ypres, St. Omer and Conde ; while to 
Spain were to be restored certain other towns to form the 
barrier against France earnestly desired by Holland, includ- 
ing the important places, Charleroi, Ghent, Limburg, Cour- 
trai, Oudenarde, and St. Greislan. 

Holland lost no territory by the war ; but Maestricht 
was to be ceded to Spain. 

The Duke of Lorraine, on certain conditions was to be 
restored to his estates, of which concession however he 
refused to avail himself. 

It was not until October, 1679, that the Peace was finally 
concluded between France and the other contending 
powers, Spain, the Emperor, the Germanic Diet, the 
Elector of Brandenburg, and the King of Denmark; all 
of whom^ resisted in arms the terms proposed by France, 
until the French Generals, by threatening movements and 
some brilliant successes, determined them to peace. 

As a condition of the peace, Louis required that the 
Spanish flag should be first lowered at sea and dipped to 
that of France ; and the king of Spain was to renounce the 
title of Count of Burgundy. As regards Holland, but two 
French guns were to be fired in answer to nine salutes from 
the former country. 

. These provisions illustrate the pretention and power of 
France, at the time. 


Europe after the Peace of Nymeguen. — Occupation of Strasburg, by the 
French. — AUiance of Germany, Spain, Holland and Sweden. — 
Entrance into the Netherlands by the French. — The Truce of Ratis- 
bon. — Compact of Augsburg ; 1686. — Bombardment of Genoa. — 
Action of the French at Rome. — ^War in 1688. — The Revolution 
in England. — William of Orange becomes King. — Louis' welcome 
of James II. — The Grand Alliance. — Operations of the war. — Capt- 
ure of Mons and Namur. — Louis at Gembloux. — Defeat of WilUam 
at Steinkirk and Neerwinden. — Retaking of Namur by William. — 
Proposals of Peace. — The Peace of Ryswick ; 1697. — Policy of Louis. 
— General results of the War. 

After the conclusion of the peace of Nymeguen, in 
October, 1679, the other Powers disbanded their troops ; 
Louis kept those of France on a war footing. He em- 
ployed them in new aggressions, by despoiling certain 
princes of their seigneuries, which, he asserted, were 
appanages of Alsace; and, as lord of that Province, he 
claimed the rights of feudal lordship over them. He also 
formed a design to take possession of the free city of Stras- 
burg ; and after gaining over the magistrates, under threats 
of bombardment, he took possession of the city, and was 
acknowledged by it as Suzerain. He garrisoned the place 
with French troops, and Vauban strengthened its defences. 
After it had been thoroughly fortified a commemorative 
medal was struck, with the boastful legend, " Clausa Ger- 
manis Gallia." 

This annexation of Strasburg by France caused great 
excitement and grave apprehension throughout Germany ; 
and the alarm was stimulated by pamphlets circulated, to 
the effect that Louis had formed a design to seize the 
Imperial crown for the house of Bourbon, by the creation 
of the Dauphin as King of the Romans, and presumptive 
successor to the Emperor Leopold. 



Under these apprehensions, Holland, Sweden, Spain, 
several of the circles of the Empire, Bavaria and the 
Emperor, in 1682, entered into agreements of alliance, 
guaranteeing the maintenance of the treaties of Munster 
and Nymeguen and for mutual assistance against France. 

In the mean while, France took advantage of the peace 
to fortify and strengthen herself for further warfare ; and, 
by way of interlude, French flotillas under Duquesne, bom- 
barded the cities and strongholds of the Emperor of 
Morocco and the Dey of Algiers ; and compelled those 
piratical potentates to restore French prisoners and sue for 

The Prince of Orange now exerted all his influence to 
have a general war against France declared ; no Power 
however seemed willing again to take that step ; the mem- 
ories of the former terrible contests were recent, and not 
inspiring. Louis defied them all, and turned his attention 
particularly to the increase of his navy. 

The effective of men was raised to 60,000; and 100 
vessels of the line rode in the ports of Brest, Havre de 
Grace, Dunkirk and Toulon. 

Impatient that Spain had not carried out, according to 
his ideas, the Treaty of Nymeguen, or, perhaps, seeking a 
new pretext for his ambitious schemes, Louis again assailed 
that kingdom through its unfortunate Flemish possessions. 
French troops entered into Flanders and Brabant, and laid 
them under contribution ; bombarding several towns that 
were easily taken. Marshals de Crequi and Vauban be- 
sieged Luxembourg, and in a few weeks (June 7, 1684) it 
surrendered, and was strengthened by Vauban for the new 
French occupation. 

Justly incensed, Spain, at the close of the year 1683, had 
declared war against France ; and Holland, now becoming 
apprehensive for its barrier against France, made threats 
of assistance to Spain. Louis, deciding to remove the seat 
of war from Flanders, a part of the army proceeded to 
Liege, to assist the Prince Bishop Elector of Cologne to 
subjugate his subjects in the former city. 

Other French troops carried on the war in Catalonia. 


Finally, as the Emperor began to arouse himself to as- 
sist Spain, a truce of twenty years was signed at Ratisbon, 
in August, 1684, between the Empire and France, and be- 
tween France and Spain. By this truce it was stipulated, 
among other things, that France was to remain in posses- 
sion of Alsace and its then dependencies for the space of 
twenty years ; and Louis was to retain possession of Stras- 
burg and Kehl. William of Orange was earnestly opposed 
to the truce of Ratisbon : he saw that after every peace 
France was gaining new territory, and every cessation of 
arms by her was but a prelude to new aggression. 

Subsequently, in July, 1686, a compact was entered into 
at Augsburg, by which the Princes of the Empire bound 
themselves together for mutual defence — the King of 
Spain, as the head of the circle of Burgundy, and the King 
of Sweden, as Duke of Pomerania, were parties to the al- 
liance. The Prince of Orange, always indefatigable in all 
that concerned opposition to France, was supposed to have 
been the instigator of this compact. 

After the truce of Ratisbon the French troops did not 
remain idle. Genoa, having showed sympathy with Spain, 
and repudiating a French protectorate, a pretext was 
made to make war upon that proud but not very powerful 

The envoy of Genoa was thrown into the Bastile : a 
series of terrible bombardments, by which nearly the whole 
of the beautiful city was destroyed, compelled it to yield, 
and the venerable Doge was obliged under one of the terms 
of peace, to go, in person, with four of the Senators to Ver- 
sailles, "to testify in the name of the Republic of Genoa, 
its extreme regret for having displeased his Majesty, in most 
respectful and submissive terms." The Barbary States also 
were again chastised and bombarded into submission. 

Louis also sent some soldiers and marines to Rome and 
mounted guard over the Pope, who could only make a 
feeble protest against the insult. France meantime kept 
strengthening her fortified places and increasing her army. 

These operations and preparations of France were anx- 
iously watched by the other powers, who bestirred them- 


selves to make alliances for mutual support, much fncited 
thereto by the Pope, Innocent XL, who naturally enter- 
tained bitter feeling against the insolent French king. 

WAR IN 1688. 

The peace or truce of Ratisbon had been in existence 
barely four years, when the king of France determined on 
another war, and French troops began to defile towards 
Alsace and Lorraine. By his manifesto of Sept. 24, 1688, 
the reason or rather pretext alleged by the French king, 
was that the Emperor had hostile designs against France, 
which he intended to carry out so soon as he had made 
peace with the Turks. 

The alliance made by the above mentioned league of 
Augsburg, for the purpose of maintaining the public tran- 
quillity, and carrying out the provisions of the treaties of 
Westphalia and Nymeguen, was also construed as a menace 
by Louis. 

Two other motives for the war were put forward ; one re- 
lating to certain rights of the sister-in-law of the French 
king, the Duchess of Orleans, in property in the Palatinate ; 
and the other the right to control in favor of one of Louis' 
own creatures, the election of an archbishop elector of Co- 
logne, which belonged of right to the chapter of the Cathe- 
dral. But the veritable motive for the war, by Louis, is 
supposed to have been, that he might through the opera- 
tions of his forces in the vicinity of Holland, prevent the 
future accession of William of Orange to the throne of 
England, by diverting William's attention to the safety of 
his own country. 

It was of the highest importance that James, who was a 
co-religionist and a friend, and even, in effect, a paid vassal 
of Louis, should, in the event of an European crisis, be 
maintained on the English throne, and continue there as 
an ally of France ; whereas, if the Prince of Orange suc- 
ceeded to that throne, he would have the power both of 
England and Holland to use in thwarting the ambitious 
views of the French king. 

fVAH IN 1688. 27 

So soon as news of the landing of the Prince of Orange 
(Nov., 1688) in England, came to France, that country 
declared war against Holland. 

The war that ensued was carried on with great acrimony 
and even barbarity. 

Louis immediately sent the Dauphin into Germany with 
an army of 100,000 men, with such skilled leaders to 
guide him as D'Humiferes, Catinat, Boufflers, Vauban and 

This policy of Louis of carrying the war into the heart 
of Germany, instead of attacking Holland, was deemed 
unwise, for it left William free to carry out his designs 
upon England. 

In the autumn of 1688, the important fortress of Philips- 
bourg was taken ; and also Manheim, Franchendal, Spire, 
Mentz, Treves and Worms — the Palatinate was a second 
time ravaged and burned, and, under instructions from the 
barbarous war-minister, Louvois, turned almost into a 
desert — also parts of Baden and territories bordering on the 
Rhine. Manheim and Treves were utterly demolished, 
and the French arms swept victoriously down the Rhine, 
from mid-Baden to Cologne. 

Denunciation of French barbarity and cries for venge- 
ance against the ruthless invaders now arose throughout 
Germany, and the people flew to arms with unanimity to 
protect their homes. The Germans, under the Duke of 
Lorraine, and the Elector of Brandenburg retook Bonn and 
Mentz and had other various successes. 

The war was thereupon carried on into Flanders, Ger- 
many and Catalonia : Catinat achieved great victories, for 
the king, in Italy, and became master of nearly all of Savoy 
and Piedmont. 

Luxembourg, also, in 1690, gained important successes 
for France, in Flanders. 

Before William's appearance on the theatre of war, in 
Flanders, a great Revolution had taken place in England, 
and James II., the protegd and ally of Louis, had been 
driven from the throne. 

This revolution changed England from an ally of France, 


into a bitter and persistent foe, and had a permanent effect 
upon the fortunes of Europe. 

The Prince of Orange had seen that if he were Sovereign 
of England he could control its policy towards the delight 
of his heart, a war with France. The prospect of such a war 
rather than anabition for further rule induced him to ac-. 
quire the English throne. 

The history of his conquest is well known ; and, in Janu- 
ary, 1689, the unfortunate bigot James, of whom a high 
Cathohc prelate of the time said, " that he sacrificed three 
thrones for a mass," took refuge with Louis, imploring his 

In welcoming the royal family to France, with magnifi- 
cent hospitality, Louis' remark to the exiled Queen indicated 
the part he was to take in the effort of James to regain his 
throne. " I perform rather a sad service for you, Madame," 
said he, " but I hope soon to render yop more important 
and fortunate ones." 'The formal declaration of war by 
England against France was made on the 7th of May, 1689. 
Louis immediately proceeded to carry out his promises ; 
he fitted out a fleet and provided arms, munitions and 
troops to transport James to Ireland, where the latter made 
his final efforts to recover his crown. French fleets also 
cruised in the Channel, and attacked Dutch and English 
vessels wherever they were to be encountered ; and Tour- 
ville, in March, 1690, sent out to' further an expedition in 
favor of James, obtained a signal victory over the combined 
fleets, and gained for the French, temporarily, the mastery 
of the seas. 

The battle of the Boyne, and subsequent discomfitures at 
Athlone, Aghrim, Limerick and elsewhere, by land and sea, 
however, terminated the hopes of the Jacobites for the 
time ; and James, become a king in name alone, held court 
at St. Germain, a pensionary of the French king. He had 

abundant leisure now to muse over his fallen greatness 

the result of a'tyrannous and bigoted rule. 

This unnecessary and cruelly conducted war and the 
apprehension it excited, had led to the formation' of a 
further permanent offensive- and defensive alliance against 


France, between the Empire and Holland, to which Eng- 
land and Charles II. of Spain subsequently acceded. 

This alliance, when completed Dec. 30, 1689, is known in 
history as " The Grand Alliance." Its main design was to 
keep France to observance of the Treaties of Westphalia 
and the Pyrenees, and to act against her in any attempt to 
make war on any member of the compact. 

The alliance also was declared to be for the purpose of 
ensuring to the Emperor and his successors the Spanish crown, 
on the decease of the then King, Charles II. 

Most of the German Princes, through the influence and 
untiring energy of William, by promises of subsidies and 
reward, also united in the alliance, which became one of an 
extensive and formidable character. The Duke of Savoy 
subsequently took side with the allies. 

As the war progressed not only the borders of the Rhine 
but Spain, Italy and the Low Countries, and also Ireland, 
became theatres of conflict. 

Early in the spring of 1691 Louis, assisted by Luxem- 
bourg and Vauban manoeuvring at the head of 100,000 men, 
had compelled Mons, one of the most important fortified 
places of Hainault, to surrender, almost without a blow. 

At times, Louis took the field in person, and was carried 
about in sumptuous carriages, with his cooks, valets and 
numerous household. He moved in the style of an Ori- 
ental Prince. Actors and musicians with accessories for 
operatic and theatric performance accompanied the march 
of the army, by whom the military glories of the King were 
portrayed in eulogistic and bombastic phrase. An au- 
dience, too, of courtiers, bedizened dames and titled ama- 
teurs of war moved with the army as a necessary part of 
the grand military promenade. 

The journey through the conquered countries was a con- 
tinuous fSte — fire -works, masked balls and banquets pro- 
claimed the entrance of the court and army into each sub- 
missive town, and the courts of the King and the Dauphin 
vied in magnificence. The king gave splendid reviews for 
the benefit of the ladies of the court, and all were merry, in 
the confidence of speedy and final conquest. 


The ladies finally went to Dinant, while the king com- 
menced the siege of Namur, on the Meuse, then one of the 
greatest fortresses of Europe, where to glorify himself, he 
nominally took command of the army. With him was 
Monseigneur his son, Monsieur d'Orleans his brother, 
M. le Prince, son of the great Cond^, and also the bastard 
princes. Marshals D'Humiferes and Vauban conducted the 
siege, while the Duke of Luxembourg commanded the army 
of 80,000 men covering the operations, and stood prepared 
to give battle to any force that might attempt to raise 
the siege. 

On the 8th day the town capitulated ; and on the 27th of 
May, 1692, the citadel ; and one of the strongest places of 
the Netherlands was occupied by a French garrison. The 
allied armies were slow to assemble for the succor of Namur 
— and, when in force, could do no more than fruitlessly 
menace the besiegers ; and William became a mortified wit- 
ness of this disaster to the allied arms. 

Louis' personal movements during these sieges were 
varied with an occasional pretentious exposure to the not 
very precise balls and bullets of the day; which were all 
duly placarded and extolled, and added much to the halo 
of " glory " that was supposed always to encircle the head 
of the " Grand Monarque." 

The presence of the ladies, however, often seriously in- 
terfered with the operations of war. 

When Louis renewed his campaign in June, 1693, at the 
head of the French troops encamped at Gembloux, a few 
miles northwest of Namur, with the project of laying 
siege to either Brussels or Liege, he had William in a trap 
enclosed by two armies; and, having an innumerable force, 
could have obtained a complete triumph over the allied 
army. Persuaded by Madame de Maintenon he became 
tired of playing the hero, ignominiously quitted the field, 
dispersed his two armies, against the ardent expostulations 
of Luxembourg and Boufflers, and retired to enjoy the so- 
ciety of the ladies and the luxury and pomp of Versailles. 
The arms of France were humiliated — every soldier felt de- 
graded — Louis became the laughing stock of his own army 


and of Europe, and William, to his astonishment, found 
not only his own army, but the whole of the. Netherlands 
saved from a disaster that seemed without remedy. 

Amid all this pomp of war and pride of power and gor- 
geous array of gilded hosts that filled and stirred the brill- 
iant scene, the mangled corpses of hecatombs of a simple 
humanity, ruined towns and devastated fields formed a dark 
and stern background ; and the sighs of the bereaved and 
the wail from desolated homes played a sad and terrible 
undertone to accompany this glittering drama of blood. 

It is a melancholy reflection, that, of all these wars the 
military results were the taking and retaking of the miser- 
able towns on the frontiers, exposed ever to attack by one 
or other of the contending armies : Winter gave them some 
repose — but, with the breath of Spring, came the roar 
of artillery and the wild shouts of invading war. 

In July, 1692, Luxembourg defeated King William's forces 
at the great battle of Steinkirk ; and in the subsequent year 
in the desperately fought conflict at Neerwinden : in the 
latter fight the allies lost over 20,000 men with all their camp 
and artillery ; and the French at least 10,000 of the best 
troops of the kingdom. 

William, however, was neither disheartened nor discour- 
aged by these defeats. He rallied his forces — got together 
other troops, and was, in a few weeks, prepared for further 

The allies were generally unsuccessful, so far, in the war, 
except that the French troops sent to Ireland, in the cause 
of James, were driven from that country — and the cause 
of James was irretrievably lost. 

In spite of his successes, however, Louis, seeing how 
France was becoming impoverished and depopulated, and 
for other reasons suggested below, made liberal overtures to 
Germany, and Holland and Spain, for peace. William III., 
however, did his utmost to prevent this being accomplished ; 
and, by great efforts, succeeded in concentrating a mighty 
army of the allies in Flanders : Luxembourg, by skilful 
tactics, prevented any effective operations by the allies, 
except the taking of a few minor towns. 


The war went on in the mean while, generally with suc- 
cess to the French, in Catalonia, in Piedmont and on the 
Rhine ; and the naval forces of the belligerents had many- 
severe engagements. Privateers swarmed in the seas, and 
the destruction of their merchant marine caused distress to 
the commerce of all the belligerents. During the year 1694, 
little progress was made by the French ; the allied forces 
kept them in check, and the fortress of Huy, a place of 
some importance, was taken by William. The English and 
Dutch fleets now also controlled the seas, and bombarded 
the coasts of France. 

In August, 1695, the king of England commanding the 
allies besieged, and after long and desperate fighting, retook 
Namur, in presence, almost, of the French army; while 
Villeroi, in return for this, and to divert the allies from the 
siege, bombarded Brussels and destroyed a third of it. 
The taking of Namur was a brilliant feat of the campaign, 
and caused exultation throughout Germany: the rejoicing 
in England, also, was great, and the mortification of the 
French extreme, at the loss of this great fortress, whose 
taking, three years before, had been the great military ex- 
ploit of the French king. Pending the siege, even the 
powers of Heaven were appealed to for aid. Louis par- 
took of the sacrament, and made confession of his many 
sins ; while in order to propitiate celestial minds towards 
France, Madame de Maintenon and her nuns were not idle, 
and, on bended knees, with the telling of beads and the 
chanting of prayers, implored blessings on the guns of 
Boufflers, to the discomfiture of the detested William. 

Notwithstanding the many victories and the general suc- 
cess of'the French arms, Louis, disappointed in his efforts to 
dethrone William in England, and motived, too, it is sup- 
posed, by a desire to break up the Grand Alliance, in view 
of the approaching decease of Charles IL of Spain, set on 
foot negotiations for peace. He succeeded in his efforts by 
gradually approaching members of the Grand Alliance, with 
special offers to their individual advantage. The first 
Prince to break the alliance was the Duke of Savoy, who 
made a treaty of neutraHty, influenced by an offer to re- 


turn his states to him, and a proposition to marry his 
daughter to the Duke of Burgundy, grandson of the King. 

This defection of the Duke of Savoy and the very favor- 
able overtures made by Louis, finally disposed William and 
the Emperor to the idea of peace. 

The Emperor dreaded the effects of the campaign then 
threatening, and Spain was weakened by successive defeats 
and the loss of nearly all Catalonia. The war, however, 
continued during the years 1696 and the spring of 1697; 
but as the treasuries both of France and England were 
empty, the generals on either side were contented to keep 
their troops together and check each other's movements. 

In March, 1697, William wrote to Heinsius, the Pen- 
sionary of Holland. " I foresee with you, to my great sor- 
row, that if we will have peace it must be against the con- 
sent of the House of Austria, which will meet with endless 
difficulties ; but, I see no possibility of continuing the war 
in hopes of mending the situation of affairs and thereby 
bringing the enemy to more advantageous conditions ; and, 
it is certain, that if the enemy gain great advantages over 
the House of Austria this campaign, then this last will be 
for peace, when it is too late." The conclusions of the 
Emperor and Spain were assisted by the fact that there 
were 80,000 French soldiers in Flanders under Villeroi, 
40,000 on the borders of the Rhine, and Marshal Catinat, 
considered the most skilful of the French commanders of 
the day, was at the head of 40,000 men in Piedmont. Be- 
fore the end of July, 1697, the terms of pacification, as be- 
tween France and England, were definitely settled ; and by 
the end of the year 1697, all parties to the great war, which 
had desolated Europe from Ireland to Piedmont and 
Spain, had entered into the Treaty — the Protestant German 
Princes holding out against it to the last, inasmuch, as by 
its terms, the Catholic religion was to be re-established in 
the restored places. 

The war had been carried on on a scale heretofore un- 
known in European annals : France, although contending 
against all the great powers of western Europe, had been 
mainly successful in her military operations, but had added 


nothing to her territory. She had retired from the combat 
exhausted as well as her enemies ; and the bleeding coun- 
tries she had overrun with her armies, unparalleled in 
numbers and equipment, wondered at the feebleness, the 
fickleness or the magnanimity that had made the first over- 
tures for a peace that was welcomed by all, but which ^as 
to be, in effect, only a temporary truce to bloodshed. 


The Congress for the treaty or series of treaties that was 
to terminate the great European war, which had now lasted 
for upwards of nine years, was held at Ryswick, a chateau 
near the Hague. 

The conferences were opened in May, 1697. Among the 
countries represented were Sweden, Austria, France, Spain, 
England, Holland, Denmark and the various States of the 
German Empire. The treaties were signed, in severalty, 
between the different States, except Austria, in September 
and October, 1697, and with the Emperor, in November. 

The principal features of the treaty were, as between 
France and Spain, that, the former country was to deliver 
to Spain Barcelona, and other places in Catalonia ; also va- 
rious places which France had taken in the Spanish Nether- 
lands, during the war, including Luxembourg and its 
Duchy, Charleroi, Mons and Courtrai. 

Various others were excepted, to be retained by France, 
as dependencies of French possessions. 

The principal stipulations of the treaty, as between France 
and Great Britain, were that France formally recognized 
William III. as lawful king of Great Britain, and agreed 
not to trouble him in the possession of his dominions, and 
not to assist his enemies, directly or indirectly. 

This article had particular relation to the partisans of the 
exiled Stuart king, then living in France. By another ar- 
ticle, all places taken by either country in America, during 
the war, were to be relinquished, and the Principality of 
Orange and its estates situated in the south of France were 
to be restored to William. In the treaty with Holland, 


certain possessions in the East Indies were to be restored 
to the Dutch East India Company : and important articles 
of commerce were appended, among which the principle 
was laid down that free ships should make free goods, not 
contraband of war. 

By the treaty with the Emperor and the German States, 
the Treaties' of Westphalia and Nymeguen were recognized 
as the basis of the Treaty of Ryswick, with such exceptions 
only as were to be provided in the latter treaty. France 
also was to give up all territory she had occupied or con- 
trolled before or during the war under the name of " re- 
unions," outside of Alsace, but the Roman Catholic relig- 
ion was to be preserved in Alsace as it then existed. 

This concession by France included among other places 
Freiburg, Brisach, and Treves ; and certain restitutions were 
to be made by France, in favor of Spire, the Electors of 
Treves, and Brandenburg and the Palatinate ; also, others 
in favor of certain of the smaller German Princes. 

The city of Strasburg, in return, was formally ceded to 
Francle, the fortifications on the right bank to be raised, 
and the important fort of Kehl was yielded to the Empire. 

The navigation of the Rhine was to be free to all persons. 
The Duke of Lorraine was to be restored to his possessions 
with such exceptions as were provided in the treaty. 

By the terms of this treaty, a more advantageous peace 
was given to Spain than she had any expectation of ; they 
gave great satisfaction to the Spaniards, and led them to 
regard Louis, not only as a magnanimous monarch, but one 
inclined to feelings of a particularly friendly character tow- 
ards Spain. 

Not only were the places taken in Spain, including the 
numerous fortified places in Catalonia yielded up, but also, 
with some exceptions, those in the Spanish Netherlands, 
and also the important territory of Luxembourg; some 
places were even yielded to Spain that France had gained 
under former treaties. As Spain was not only enfeebled 
but almost helpless, under long continued aggressions and 
spoliations by France, this extraordinary generosity, it was 
supposed by the politicians of the day, was due to some- 


thing more than friendly feeling on the part of the French 

In effect, motives of keen policy underlied these appar- 
ently magnanimous acts. The King of France desired to 
disunite the allies, and to make alliances for himself with 
some of them, particularly Spain, and to prepare the way 
by ingratiating himself with the Spaniards, for carrying out 
his views for the succession to the Spanish throne, in favor 
of a prince of the House of Bourbon; the health of the 
King of Spain being such, that, at any day, the question as 
to the succession to his throne might arise. 

Thus the war of nine years' duration was brought to a 
close, without results of a particular character affecting the 
status of the States engaged, except that William was rec- 
ognized as King of England, and France abandoned most 
of her conquests. In spite of these concessions, however, 
William for a long time opposed the peace. ; and saw in it 
a mere truce, in behalf of France, to gain strength and 
repose with a view to further war. The beneficial results 
of the war, however, were temporarily, at least, to check 
the ambitious career of Louis, in his aim at European do- 
minion, to protect the lesser states, whose safety was pro- 
moted by the watchfulness and jealousies of the more pow- 
erful, and to maintain the equilibrium that was now deemed 
a requisite in European politics. 

It was evident that Louis considered that France should 
have rest, thereby to recruit her strength for a greater 
struggle, if any might ensue. She had been made miserable 
by the war, and in the midst of the Te Deums of victory 
the people were starving; manufactures were neglected, 
and the debts of the State were being multiplied. Her 
resources had been drained — the war had no real basis — 
and sufficient "glory" had been gained. She was making 
, herself the enemy of all Europe, and her own people cursed 
the victories which only brought new taxes, and raised the 
number of recruits who were sent to the frontier to be 
made new victims of a war in which they had no interest, 
and to the success of which they were indifferent — in fact, 
every reason of policy and prudence dictated peace. 


Persecution of Protestants in France. — Review of Sectarianism.— Early 
Christian Sects, and their Differences. — The Reformation. — Intol- 
erance in England. — Henry IV.— Mary. — Elizabeth.— St. Bartholo- 
mew's Eve. — James I. and Charles I.— Intoleration in New England. 
— The Thirty Years' Religious War.— The Inquisition. — The Edict 
of Nantes. — The Protestants after the Death of Henry IV.— Under 
Louis XIII. — Suppression, of their Political Power by Richelieu. — 
Protestants driven into Exile.^Their Condition under Mazarin.— 
Action of Louis XIV. — Edicts from 1651-1659 and 1674. — New Op- 
pression. — Conversions. — Barbarous Cruelties. — Letters of Madame 
de Maintenon on the King's Holy Zeal. — Glorification of Louis, 
as a Reformer. — Formal Revocation of the Edict in 1685. — Exulta- 
tion at Court. — Fulsome Panegyric by Bossuet. — Renewed Cruelties. 
— Protestants Escape from France. — Persecutions of the Dead. — 
National and International Effect of the Revocation. 

Mere difference of opinion has ever been a fruitful 
source of strife. 

Especially have those cherishing religious dogmas enter- 
tained feelings of hostility towards those who would not be 

Even men, wise and humane, will join in a bitter hue and 
cry on questions, the truth or falsity of which is not sus- 
ceptible of proof, and the truth or falsity of which is of no 
real concern to humanity. 

There is no injustice so great, no prejudice so bitter, no 
hate so lasting, no enmity so unrelenting as that which has 
its foundation in sectarian opposition. 

No deeds have been so bloody, no persecutions so cruel, 
no wars so terrible, as those instigated by differences of 
religious credence ; and, it may be said, that no acts have 
been more shameful to humanity than those that make the 
ecclesiastical history of civilized Europe. 

Races, nations and individuals resolved theological ques- 
tions by mutual slaughter. 



The Christian dove, surviving the attacks of Paganism, 
as it sailed down the tide of centuries, became as a vulture 
smeared with gore ; and the blood of Christian sectaries 
flowed from wounds, mutually inflicted, as deep as those 
ever made by a Nero or a Diocletian. The theological 
variation of the numerous sects, even of Christian belief, 
that have been and are, astonish, confound and confuse us 
—not only those of semi-barbarian periods but among the 
enlightened. Looking back, from apostolic time, the 
schisms and sects have followed in a continuous and turbid 

The Gnostics with their ceons and demi-urge, the Mani- 
chaeans with their dualism and paraclete — the doctrines of 
Sabellius with his one essence, balanced by Arius and his 
triple division — the doctrine of the " Omoousios " affirmed 
as a fundamental truth under Constantine, and the " Omoiou- 
siose" upheld under Valens — the " double incarnate nature" 
of the Nestorians, maintained as an article of faith by the 
Council at Seleucia, and overthrown by the Eutychians, at 
the Council of Ephesus — the Pelagians with their innate 
goodness of man, condemned as a heresy by the Councils 
of Carthage and Ephesus, and upheld, as true doctrine, by 
the Council of Diosipolis — Cassian and his followers deny- 
ing the necessity of "inward preventing grace," and his 
opponents upholding that it was a sine qua non. 

The IconolatrcB, or image-worshippers, on one side, and 
the Image-breakers on the other, discussing the matter in 

Arminius and his free-will thinkers with one view, and 
the Gomarists and Superlapsarians with the opposite : Cal- 
vin's grim doctrine of predestination, and Luther's of the 
action of .the Will. The great schism of the procession 
of the Holy Ghost from the Son, as with the Latin, or 
without him, as with the Greek. The theories of Transub- 
stantiation, Consubstantiation or Symbolism of the Eucha- 
rist, as upheld by this or that sect with fire and axe. 

The Divine prerogative of Kings, or the higher preroga- 
tive of the Pope ; the Socinians and the Trinitarians — the 
broad church and, the narrow church — and the phantasies 


of Swedenborgian, the Self-inspiration of the Quaker, and 
the illusions of hundreds of other metaphysical enthu- 

. The Pagans, when they had the upper hand, slaughtered 
Christian and Jew ; the Jews, when they had the power, 
persecuted Christians; and the latter, in their turn, at- 
tacked Jews — and then persecuted each other. The ortho- 
doxy of the moment burned schismatics, and schismatics 

Ecclesiarch opposed Heresiarch ; and both of them used, 
as arguments, steel and fire against each other and their 
mutual opponents. The sacredness of human life, all lib- 
erty of body and spirit, were put at the mercy of the imag- 
inings of the day and hour. The great cardinal virtues 
seemed lost in the maniacal excesses of sectarian jealousy; 
and the very foundations of religion were sapped by the 
spirit that sought to sustain it, as ea:ch sect denounced all 
others and claimed the prerogative of thinking for the rest 
of the world. 

The sixteenth and even the early part of the .seventeenth 
centuries witnessed but little diminution of religious intol- 
eration, although civilization, in other respects, had made 
progress out of the gloom of the dark ages. The violence 
and inhumanity that prevailed, during the period of the 
Reformation in Germany, are familiar to all who read, and, 
even in England, the history of the origin and progress of 
the Reformed religion is not more grateful to the Christian 
mind. Religion was enlisted, in turn, by king, prelate and 
zealot, as an auxiliary to gratify lust, ambition, hate or re- 
venge ; and as an instrument to grasp or strengthen politr 
ical power. The despotic monarchs, Henry the Eighth, 
Mary, Elizabeth, James and Charles — ambitious prelates 
like Woolsey and Pole — obsequious tools of tyranny, like 
Cromwell under Henry, and Strafford under Charles — arbi- 
trary primates, like Cranmer and Laud, and bloody bishops 
like Gardiner and Bonner — unseated abbots, unfrocked 
priests, deprived curates, and the martyred laity — Romanist 
and Protestant, Conformist and Dissenter, Puritan and Ma- 
lignant — pass along the tide of History the actors in a great 


drama of blood! — The Reformed Prelacy became a mere 
part of State machinery of which the Crown was the head : 
and any question of spiritual as well as civil supremacy of 
king or queen was visited as a felony. Religious opinioji 
became not a matter of faith, but of treason or allegiance. 
Not only were outward acts criminal, but the conscience was 
dragged out and shackled ; for even silence became a crime, 
and oaths were applied to test those who maintained their 
opinions in secret. 

Theretofore dubbed " Defensor EcclesicB," as a faithful son 
of Rome, little was required to change the creed of the 
vacillating tyrant, Henry VIIL, since upheld by history to 
the scorn and contempt of posterity. For the first twenty 
years of his reign the Tower was filled with Protestants — for 
the next ten, with Papists — and, for the remainder, the Re- 
formers bowed beneath the arch of the Bloody Tower. 

The horrible incidents of the succeeding reign are fa- 
miliar. In the three years of Mary's persecution three 
hundred victims perished at the stake. 

Archbishop and bishop, priest and layman, lordly prelate 
and humble worshipper, men stout of heart and limb, who 
cursed the she-devil as they died, and trembling women and 
harmless boys— all, alike, yielded their lives at the man- 
date of this royal Fury, whose commission for the suppres- 
sion of heresy made short work of those who did not bend 
to her relentless fanaticism. " Good Queen Bess " used 
also to hang people for their religious abstractions, even al- 
though unimpeachable in their loyalty. Under the tender 
reign of this virgin monarch, the " Duke of Exeter's 
daughter " and " the Scavenger's daughter," and the five 
other deadly racks, were kept busy in the Tower ; and men 
of blameless life were burned for Arian views, or for circu- 
lating pamphlets criticizing ecclesiastical courts and cere- 
monies. Under this "glorious reign" the Inquisitorial 
Court of the High Commission was created ; and arbitrary 
conviction and punishment was enforced by compelling an 
oath to be taken by parties suspected of so-called heresy. 
Meanwhile, over the water, St. Bartholomew was holding 
h\s festival — Charles IX. was shooting his Reformed subjects 


from his palace window ; and twenty thousand of them 
were butchered into eternity, amid the yells and execra- 
tions of their dogmatic fellow-citizens. 

When the pedant James, the lauded translator of the 
Bible, became King, he illustrated some of its principles in 
this wise, when speaking of his Puritan subjects : " I will 
make them conform, or I will harry them out of the land, or 
else, worse, I will only hang them — that's all." He burned 
Edward Wightman and Bartholomew Legate, for upholding 
Unitarian ideas. The opinions of the latter, the royal buf- 
foon tried to overcome by argument, but, being worsted 
therein, issued against his opponent the writ " de h(2retico 
combiirendo" which closed the argument at the stake. 

Under Charles I., men of high social standing had their 
ears cut off at the public pillory: or were branded for what 
were called libels on the established discipline of the church 
of England. 

This Monarch's savage Primate, Laud, was as great a 
tyrant over the mind and conscience, as was his master 
over the civil rights of his subjects. During this compara- 
tively modern reign, the courts of High Commission and 
the Star Chamber were used as a standing means of attack 
against Puritan ministers : and holy and wise men were 
whipped, pilloried and maimed for any question of the 
powers of the prelacy. Although the scaffold may be 
deemed too severe, there is little lament, now, even from 
English minds, as History analyzes and groups the inci- 
dents of this disgraceful reign, that Strafford, Laud and 
King Charles " the martyr" as he is styled, in sympathy 
— all conspirators against the mind and body of the sub- 
ject — met with the stern retribution that they did from 
the humanity they had outraged and trampled upon. 

What wonder is there, amid these persecutions, that those 
professing a simple faith, in England, and desiring to be 
freed from an oppressive hierarchy, should have turned 
their backs upon their ancient home, and sought, in the 
wilderness of America, freedom to worship God in peace, 
and that liberty of thought and action which has always 
been an aspiration of humanity? 


Unlike those who settled the Southern American conti- 
nent — for this mere liberty of conscience and from no hope 
of gain, the Protestant pilgrims abandoned their native 
land, battled in frail barks the tempestuous ocean, encoun- 
tered famine, and fought, for very existence, with the 
forces of nature and a savage foe. 

But, it is a strange illustration of human weakness, that 
these victims of religious persecution should have, in turn, 
sought to shackle conscience and oppose toleration. 

The practice and the principles of the Puritan immi- 
grants became far from harmonious. The rigid lines of 
their established faith were drawn as strictly, and main- 
tained, ahnost as ruthlessly, as in the fatherland, and the 
governing authority exacted conformity in spiritual mat- 
ters, as the condition of civil freedom. 

Those who had been branded as heretics stigmatized 
others as heretics, for differences on theological abstrac- 
tions, and even for non-conformity to church routine. 

The persecuted in turn, turned persecutors, and visited 
upon others the treatment against which, as an outrage 
upon hunian rights, they had solemnly protested — and 
maiming, banishment, scourging and the gibbet were the 
means used to discipline the church, to prevent religious 
vagaries, and to cast out offending Sectarianism. 

Toleration was never allowed in Massachusetts until the 
declaration of indulgence of James II. established it. It 
has been remarked, as a singular feature in the History of 
New England theology, that there was no freedom of con- 
science and worship there, until it was established by a 
tyrant and a bigot, who was a Romanist. 

During the great thirty years' religious war in Western 
Europe, in the early portion of the seventeenth century, 
the enmity between Lutheran and Calvinist equalled their 
mutual hatred of the Romanist. Incendiarism, robbery 
and slaughter were the only arguments thought of — Re- 
ligion was used as a cloak for ambition and rapine: and, 
in its name, all Germany was laid waste — " Soldiers," says 
a contemporary, " treated men and women as none but the 
vilest of mankind would now treat brute beasts. Out- 


rages of unspeakable atrocity were committed everywhere 
— their flesh pierced with needles or cut to the bone with 
saws — others were scalded with boiling water, or hunted 
with dogs." 

While all this bloody work was going on among the 
enlightened Protestants of England and her American Col- 
onies, and between the hostile Religionists, in Germany, 
the Inquisition, as a great State Tribunal, was busy with 
the rack and the stake, in Spain, Italy and Portugal. The 
Royal family in those countries respectively, and the dig- 
nitaries of the realm, lay and ecclesiastical, felt it a duty 
to society, and to God, to sit in state, in the public square, 
as the grim procession of helpless victims filed by — clad in 
their sheepskin sacks and hideously painted conical caps — 
guarded by the Holy brethren and familiars, who raised on 
high the cross of salvation in witness of their pious zeal, and 
sang pffians to the Heavenly powers, who were supposed to 
look down upon the writhing of Jew and Heretic at the 
stake, with a peculiar satisfaction. 

Thus Sectarianism, calling herself Faith or Zeal, moved 
on almost hand in hand with civilization. 

She it was that raised the cross on Calvary, lighted the 
fagots of Nero, and let loose the tigers of Diocletian — she 
held the poison cup to Socrates and chained Luther and 
Galileo — she led Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer to their 
doom at London, Servetus at Geneva, and Savonarola at 
Florence — she persecuted the Lollards in the 15th, and the 
Huguenots in the i6th century, hung the witches at Salem, 
and the Quakers at Boston, turned all Germany into a 
desert and kept alive the fires of the Inquisition. 

A new and terrible Chapter was still to be added to the 
long history of crime perpetrated in the name of Religion. 

After the decease of Henry IV., there became manifest 
a disposition in the French government, generally under 
Jesuit influence, to curtail the religious liberty and restrict 
the political power of the Huguenots — they having had 
accorded to them by the Edict of Nantes not only liberty 
of conscience and worship, but certain special pohtical 
rights, for their protection. 


Not only the government became jealous of the increas- 
ing numbers and power of the Protestants, but the Roman 
Catholic priesthood, from the pulpit, rekindled the ancient 
sectarian animosity, and, finally, a continuous series of en- 
croachments on their rights, under Louis XIII., drove the 
Huguenots of Beam, Guienne and Languedoc into open 
resistance, and subsequently those of Normandy, Picardy 
and Champagne. 

The grand ideas of Richelieu, as Prime Minister, were to 
concentrate the power of the Crown and strengthen the 
hand of the Church. To both of these Protestantism was 
an impediment ; and, therefore, both as minister and priest, 
Richelieu was unremitting in his action to diminish the 
importance of Protestantism, both as a civil and religious 

After putting down all resistance and driving thousands 
into exile from their native land, who flew for freedom and 
repose to England, Holland and the new settlements of 
America, Protestantism no longer existed in France, except 
on the terms of perfect submission to government. 

The political rights of Protestantism, under the Edict of 
Henry IV., were virtually abrogated ; and its religious 
existence was the result, no longer, of solemn compact but 
of a frowning tolerance that daily became less inclined to 

Under the latter part of the administration of Richelieu, 
in the stormy days of the Fronde, and, under Mazarin, 
there was comparative rest for the persecuted religionists ; 
and they continued to form a large, useful, skilled and 
industrious part of the great population of France. But 
the clouds of Bigotry were again gathering, soon to burst, 
in a manner even more terrible and destructive than in the 
memorable days of St. Bartholomew. 

During a few years before Louis XIV. took upon himself 
the reins of government, (viz. 165 1 to 1659) various edicts 
and ordinances were passed, seriously impairing the rights 
of Protestants, in their worship. These measures became 
more and more intolerant under pressure from the Roman 
Catholic hierarchy. Jealous of the progress of an opposing 


and intrusive religion : and soon a persistent, active, and, 
in the end, a most sanguinary State persecution began 
against all professing the Reformed faith, contemptuously 
termed " heretics." 

This religious war against a large, well-behaved and use- 
ful class of citizens began, by the court withholding all 
places of honor and profit from Protestants, the prohibition 
of the holding of their national and provincial synods, the 
punishment of Roman Catholic converts to Protestantism, 
and the exclusion of Protestants from industrial guilds. 

Then came decrees, in 1665 and 1666, allowing Protestant 
children to change their religion, in spite of their parents ; 
and Churchmen became busy in snatching " heretic " chil- 
dren from the "devil." Edicts authorizing priests to go to 
the bed-side of dying Protestants, when ill, and prohibiting 
the establishment of academies by Protestants, and regu- 
lating the forms of the Protestant religion were also passed. 

Restrained by the wise and just counsels of Colbert, 
Louis refrained, for a time, from further aggression upon 
his Protestant subjects. In 1674, however, and down to 
the final revocation of the great Edict, the oppression of 
the Protestants was resumed and continued in a manner as 
politically unwise as it was arbitrary and cruel. 

By various new edicts and decrees, children could be 
taken from their parents, backsliders were punished with 
banishment and confiscation ; Protestants were excluded 
from public, functions, Protestant chapels were demolished. 
Reformers were excluded from leasing the Crown farms, 
mixed marriages were interdicted, troops guilty of barbar- 
ous excesses were billeted upon Protestant families, prop- 
erty of the churches was confiscated, and pastors banished : 
to all this was added the horror of military tribunals and 
executions without trial. 

Those who sought to leave the country were arrested by 
spies and guards ; and terrible penalties were inflicted upon 
the fugitives when apprehended. 

All these barbarous measures and the supposed conver- 
sion of many to the "faith " was considered as adding 


greatly to the glory of the king's reign ; and, indeed, to 
place a celestial halo around his head. 

In the enthusiasm of his bigoted zeal, and to swell the 
number of converts, Louis devoted one-third of his " econ- 
omies " to the cause ; many were brought to a supposed 
state of conversion through the golden eloquence of six 
livres a piece, and the King was as highly extolled for 
invading and subduing the kingdom of Satan, as for con- 
quests over the Spaniards and the Dutch. 

These religious ^triumphs operated as a "placebo," also, 
to his majesty's royal conscience for many and flagrant sins : 
and the death and ruin of thousands of his subjects inno- 
cent of all crime, was the price to be paid for his heavenly 
absolution and a needful oblation offered to the King of 
Kings ! 

His religious zeal, in this regard, when flagging, was 
stimulated by the expostulations of Madame de Maintenon, 
by whose special direction many of the arrests were made, 
and by Pfere La Chaise, the adroit and insinuating Jesuit 
confessor, and ally of Maintenon ; and, even by the virtuous 
Bossuet, all of whom had combined to set up this new 
school of religious reform, assisted by the brutal soldiery 
directed by Louvois — all banded together in order to obtain 
the salvation of the King, the aggrandizement of Rome, 
and their own favor at Court, either by the conversion or 
destruction of thousands of their fellow-citizens. In 1679 
Madame de Maintenon writes: "The King is full of good 
sentiments ; he sometimes reads the Scriptures and he 
thinks them the best of all books. He recognizes and 
avows his weaknesses and faults. We must wait until 
Grace reaches him. He thinks seriously of the conversion 
of the Heretics, and soon we will set to work at it." 

It is instructive to observe the force of the word " we " 
in the above letter. 

" The King," Madame de Maintenon writes, in August, 
1681, "begins to think seriously of his salvation and of 
that of his subjects. If God preserves him to us there will 
be no longer but one religion in the Kingdom." 

This being freely interpretecj meant increasing persecu- 


tion, and the complete interdiction of the Reformed 

Troops were let loose afresh, upon the Protestants in 
Anjou, Dauphiny, Guienne and Languedoc ; and the Court 
boasted of the so-called conversion of hundreds of terrified 
Protestants, who were beaten and dragooned and crazed 
into a temporary apostacy. " There is not a courier," 
writes Madame de Maintenon, in Sept., 1685, "that does 
not bring the King great causes of joy in the news of con- 
version, by thousands." 

The glorification of Louis, at these spiritual triumphs 
over his feeble subjects, was sounded by prelate and cour- 
tier : he began to feel that he was at the head of a holy 
mission — a crusade to extirpate a great heresy, — and the 
entire and formal Revocation of the Edict of Nantes soon 
followed — the noblest feature of his grandfather's reign, 
which was binding in honor and right on his successors, 
and had been trusted in and accepted by all classes of his 

This outrage was perpetrated under the immediate advice 
of Pere La Chaise, and the Minister, Louvois, stimulated by 
the bigot, De Maintenon. 

Charlotte Elizabeth d'Orleans, wife of the King's brother 
and mother of the future Regent, who was behind the 
scenes at the French court, in one of her letters to a Ger- 
man friend, thus forcibly gives her testimony to these opera- 
tions of De Maintenon and the Jesuits. 

" Before that old' hag reigned here. Religion in France 
was reasonable ; but she destroyed all that, by her absurd 
bigotry and foolish devotions ; and when people wished to 
be reasonable, the old woman and the Confessor threw them 
into prison or exiled them. They are, both of them, the 
cause of all the persecutions in France, directed against the 
poor Reformers and Lutherans. That long-eared Jesuit 
commenced operations in accord with the old hag, and 
P"ather Le Tellier carried it on to the end. By their opera- 
tions France has been entirely ruined ! " 

On October 17, 1685, the Revocation was formally signed 
that made this unholy reign pecuHarly infamous — and an 


order followed for the demolition of all the remaining Prot- 
estant churches in France. Reformers were prohibited from 
leaving the kingdom, under penalty of the galleys for life, 
and confiscation of all their property : other terrible orders 
followed, and soldiers were given license, by their brutality, 
to hasten the making of converts. Torture, imprisonment, 
robbery, murder and wholesale slaughter were part of the 
machinery employed, to all which the clergy gave their 
zealous accord. The Vaudois, who took refuge in Pied- 
mont, were butchered, in masses, by the troops of France 
and Savoy, and new Paeans went up in praise of the great 
King. " Let us pour forth our hearts, in praise of Louis," 
preached the truckling Bossuet, in his panegyric over the 
remains of Le Tellier, who drew up the infamous Edict, 
" let us lift our acclamations to Heaven, — and let us say 
to this new Constantino, — to this new Theodosius — to this 
new Marcianus— to this new Charlemagne, ' You have 
strengthened the faith — you have exterminated the here- 
tics, — this is the meritorious work of your reign — its pecul- 
iar characteristic. Through you. Heresy is no more ! ' — 
God, alone, could have wrought this great wonder! " 

Statues were raised and medals struck to this new Pillar of 
the Faith — Poets twanged the fulsome lyre — Litterateurs 
and pulpit orators ceased not to exalt his name — and " Te 
Deums" pealed throughout the land, echoing those offered 
up by direction of the Pope, at Rome, in commemoration 
of the great work carried on by this (inaptly styled) " Most 
Christian King! "* 

After the Revocation, the Government redoubled its 
vigor to prevent emigration. Desolation reigned through- 
out the persecuted Provinces, revolting cruelties were perpe- 

* A medal was struck to commemorate, as a great exploit, the revoca- 
tion of the Edict ; the obverse represented a female with a cross in her 
hand, and her foot on a prostrate Protestant, with the legend " Heresy 
extingtdshed — Edict of October, 1685." 

On another, of date 1685, the King is represented as being crowned by 
Religion, while he is trampling Protestantism under his feet. The 
motto is, " For having brought back to the bosom of the church 
2,000,000 Calvinists." 


trated, under the orders of the King and his inhuman min- 
ister, by Dragoon and Priest, and new modes of torture 
were invented by the Intendants of Provinces, seeking thus 
to curry favor at court : pastors re-entering the kingdom 
were punished with death — and infants were seized at the 
breast. The Bible was burnt by the executioner — gentle- 
men of rank and name were sent to the galleys — the heads 
of ladies were shaved for singing the Psalms of David in 
French — Pastors were broken on the wheel, for not having 
abandoned their flocks — old men were dragged to the 
Romanish Altars by blaspheming soldiers, who ordered 
them to worship their God — those relapsing were thrown 
into dungeons — parents were condemned on the charge of 
their children, and children were torn from Parents and died 
starving or insane — in dungeons or Jesuit colleges and con- 
vents. Roman Priests were forced upon the dying, and 
those abetting Protestants in their escape were condemned 
to death. In ten years' time more than ten thousand per- 
sons became the prey of the stake and the gibbet. Under 
the accumulation of horrors imposed upon them, French 
Protestants rushed from their native land, in spite of spies 
and guards. More than 200,000 — some estimate the num- 
ber as high as 500,000 — fled into exile, during these twenty 
years of oppression, and sought refuge in England, Germany, 
Holland and Denmark, where they became useful citizens, 
added the wealth of their skilled industry to the States that 
sheltered them, and very many turned their arms, in spite 
of lingering patriotism, against the tyrant who had op- 
pressed them. Large numbers, who remained and adopted, 
in form, the Roman Catholic faith, became neither actual 
converts nor contented subjects. This hypocritical con- 
formity was to many the only refuge from the diabolical 
persecution which followed them even on their death-beds 
and to the tomb — for this was a part of the Edict of 29 
April, 1686 — " Protestants who are sick and refuse \h&viati- 
cum, are to be considered and punished as apostates, if they 
return to health — the men are to be condemned to the gal- 
leys for life, the women to prison, and to the loss of their 
property ; in case of death, their goods are to be sold, their 


bodies unearthed and thrown into a ditch ! " If a converted 
person refused the Sacrament when dying, a review of the 
case was held over the remains, and the body was ordered 
to be dragged in quick lime so as to be a terror to others." 
Through the above emigration, the most useful subjects of 
France, and many good soldiers were lost to the State ; and 
this extraordinary persecution, unexampled in modern 
times, has been considered by all modern historians, of 
every faith, as not only a great moral crime, but an extraor- 
dinary political blunder. The loss of so many subjects 
perceptibly weakened the Kingdom, and made it less pre- 
pared for the sanguinary war of the " Spanish Succession " 
soon to follow ; and the cruelties practised embittered the 
Protestant Princes of Europe against France, and promoted 
their alliances to oppose her. 

In the meanwhile, remote from this Golgotha of tears 
and blood, the festivals, amid the rustic enchantments of 
Marly and the gilded halls of Versailles, went on ; and the 
jewelled and spangled throng revelled as of yore— the 
fiddlers of Lulli played their lively strains — opera and 
mask and theatrical display, gay intrigue, piquant satire, 
and the lively epigram beguiled the hour — and courtier and 
smirking jezebel, and debased sycophant flattered, and 
grovelled before the sceptred idol whose fortune was 
deemed divine, and the Chimera, called " Glory," hovered 
about his sacred head ! 

A Moloch was stalking about the land demanding sacri- 
fices of human blood — but a stern Nemesis — daughter of 
Night — the humbler of the proud — the avenger of Crime — 
held the sword that was soon to smite the King in all that 
was dear — to strike off his crown of glory for one of shame, 
and to bring him and his Kingdom to sorrow and humilia- 
tion ! , 

Could the future be revealed by such as haunted the 
blasted heath, there would have stood before the King 
three grim figures— stern ministers of fate, avengers of 
innocent blood — men of war, who sought not dominion, 
but who felt it a sacred duty to Europe and humanity, 
to arrest the reckless course of ambition and bigotry which 


was desolating Europe, and paralyzing human progress — 
men who never were to sheathe sword until Europe should 
breathe free of the Incubus that weighted upon its liberties 
and its repose. — These men were William of Orange, Marl- 
borough and Prince Eugene. 


The Spanish Succession.— Charles II. of Spain.— His feeble Health. — 
Ancient Laws of the Succession. — Claims of the House of Bourbon. 
—Marriages of Louis XIII. and of Louis XIV.— Renunciations of the 
two French Queens. — Claims of the House of Austria. — Claims of 
Bavaria. — Interests of England and Holland in the Succession. — 
Claims of Savoy and the Duke of Orleans. 


Charles II., bom in 1661, was only son of Philip IV., 
and the last male of the Spanish branch of the House of 
Austria, which was established in Spain through Charles V. 

Towards the close of the 17th century, the days of 
Charles, although he was still in the prime of life, were 
evidently drawing to an end. 

His decease had been long anticipated as an event of 
deep concern in the politics of Europe ; originally weak of 
Constitution and long a prey to disease, his feeble health 
made that great political event now imminent. 

Charles' life had been one of sadness and calamity ; his 
father had died while he was an infant ; his country had 
been desolated by numerous wars, involving many serious 
disasters and loss of territory — ^and, at last, sunk into a 
state of penury and almost helplessness, the Peace of Rys- 
wick had given Spain a welcome relief. 

The Spanish kingdom, at this time, comprehended not 
only the Spanish Peninsula, but Naples, Sicily, the Span- 
ish Netherlands, portions of northern Italy, Mexico, Peru, 
and various Islands in the Mediterranean and on the Ocean 
— a vast dominion for one poor head and feeble body to 
control or even supervise. So little was Charles cognizant 
of public affairs, that he did not even know of what States 
his dominions consisted ; and, it is said, that when Mons 



was taken, during the late war with France, the King 
inquired in what country it was situated ! 

Charles had married, in 1679, Marie Louise d'Orleans, 
daughter of Philippe, only brother of Louis XIV.; and, in 
a second marriage, Maria Anna of Bavaria, Princess of 
Neuborg, sister of the Empress ; but there were no children 
by either marriage. 


By the ancient custom of Gothic or Christian Spain, 
which custom was continued in those parts not subjugated 
to Moorish rule, the crown was nominally elective, but, as 
is usual where elective systems have existed, a dominant 
family became, in time, the apparent heirs to a hereditary 

The ancient laws of Spanish succession made no excep- 
tion, as against the inheritance of females, either to the 
ownership of fiefs or to succession to the crown, in default 
of male heirs in a direct line. Consequently, if a monarch 
died without sons, or male or female descendants of sons, 
the eldest daughter of the deceased monarch succeeded to 
the throne ; but any legitimate child of a son of that 
monarch would take precedence of such oldest daughter, 
whether such child were male or female, the male having 
preference. By this principle, females in the direct line 
were preferred to males of the more remote line. 

These principles of ancient custom were, from time to 
time, formulated and enacted into positive laws, and recog- 
nized by various proclamations and enactments, from the 
thirteenth through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

They were modified, however, immediately after the 
great treaty to be hereafter considered, by Philip V. (the 
Bourbon) when firmly established on the throne. 

By this modification or change, males of any degree of 
remoteness were preferred to females ; in default of which 
former, however, a female might succeed. 

The above principles of succession, as changed by Philip 



v., were again subsequently modified and the ancient 
custom of descent fully restored. 

This law of succession to the crown of Spain was 
opposite to the principle of the so-called law of the Salians, 
or " Salic law" which prevailed in France ; by which fe- 
males were, in all cases, excluded from inheriting landed 
property and also the Crown. 


At the time the attention of Europe began to be directed 
toward the succession to the Spanish thi-one, Louis the 
Dauphin of France, the only legitimate son of Louis XIV., 
apart from any obstacles made by certain renunciations 
hereafter referred to, was the legitimate heir, through his 
mother, according to the rules of pure hereditary descent, 
in Spain, which admitted, as is above seen, female descent, 
when there was no male representative equally near. 

The Dauphin's mother was Maria Theresa, the eldest 
daughter of Philip IV., which latter died without male 
heirs other than Charles the moribund tenant of the throne. 
Maria Theresa, the French Queen, had died in 1683. 

The marriage of Louis XIII. must now be referred to. 
The marriage of Louis XIII., to Anne of Austria (so called), 
who was a daughter of Philip III. and sister of Philip IV. 
of Spain, took place in 161 5. This marriage was one of 
policy, entered into with a view to promote the alliance 
between France and Spain, which had long stood in an 
attitude hostile to each other. 

By the terms of this marriage, between Louis XIII. and 
Anne of Austria, the far-sighted policy of the House of 
Austria had provided, in specific terms, against the prob- 
ability of the succession of the new French Queen or her 
descendants to the Spanish throne: to which under the 
principles of Spanish succession she or her descendants 
might become entitled. The specific words of the contract, 
in this regard, are "That the most Serene Infanta, Donna 
Anna, and her children, male or female, or their descend- 
ants, in whatever degree, shall not succeed to the king- 


doms, estates and lordships which belong to his Catholic 

The provisions of this marriage contract, as to the succes- 
sion of Anne of Austria, were afterwards ratified by her, when 
she became of age; as also by her husband, Louis XIII., 
the then King of France — and were established by the 
Spanish King and Cortes as a law of the Spanish Kingdom. 

The contentions of France with Spain under the Haps- 
burg dynasty, during the minority of Louis XIV., had 
resulted in extending the limits of French power on all 
sides — and, finally, found, apparently, a peaceful result by 
the treaty of the Pyrenees and by the marriage, in June, 
1660, of Louis XIV. with the daughter of the King of 
Spain, Maria Theresa, of Austria. 

In the contract of marriage between Louis XIV. and 
Maria Theresa, in November, 1659, it was recited that the 
marriage was not only made, for special reasons of peace 
and fraternity, between the two nations, but also for " that 
which concerns the public good and for the preservation of 
the two Crowns, which, being so great and powerful, they can- 
not be consolidated into one ; and that hereafterward, all 
occasions for such a junction are to be avoided." 

It was, thereupon, stipulated that " Maria Theresa, her 
children male or female and their descendants, in any degree, 
should be absolutely and for all time precluded from succession 
to the Spanish Crown or any of its dominions, within or with- 
out the Kingdom of Spain, notwithstanding all laws, disposi- 
tions or customs to the contrary." 

It was also stipulated, however, that if Maria Theresa 
were to become a widow, without children of the marriage, 
the exclusion against her of succession to the throne of 
Spain was not to take effect. To these renunciations of 
Maria Theresa and to the stipulations of the treaty, Louis 
had given, not only his assent, but had, in writing ratifying 
the treaty, made a solemn oath, with this invocation : 
" On our honor, our faith and the word of a king, we swear, 
on the cross, on the holy Evangelists, and the Sacrifices of the 
Mass, which we have touched, that we will observe and carry 
out, entirely, in good faith, all and each of the points and 


articles contained in this treaty of peace, reconciliation and 
friendship." A formal renunciation of all the rights of 
Maria Theresa and that of her children to the Crown of 
Spain, agreeably to the terms of the contract, was after- 
wards made, under her own signature, by that Queen, stated 
to be, in the act, " by her own motion and free, spontaneous 
and thereunto disposed will." 

This act was signed by Maria Theresa, in the presence of 
her father and his court, at Fontarabia, on the Spanish 
border, on the 2d of June, 1660, as she was proceeding to 
France to be received as the wife of Louis XIV. 

" In espousing the Infanta," wrote Mazarin to the French 
Minister at Munster, blandly taking a distant prospect of 
possibilities, "we may look forward to the succession to 
the Spanish throne, whatever renunciations they may cause 
the Infanta to make, and it will not be far off, since there 
is only the life of the prince, her brother, in the way." 

It was evident, in spite of the above two renunciations 
by the two Queens of France, that, from the time of the 
marriage of Louis XIV. with the Infanta, France looked 
upon Spain with an eager eye, as the old line descended 
from Charles V. gave evidence of its extinction, at no dis- 
tant period. 

In the will of Philip IV., who died in 1665, he, in express 
terms, recites the renunciations of his sister, Anne of Aus- 
tria, and of his daughter, Maria Theresa, and the descend- 
ants of either, to all claim upon the Spanish Crown. The 
understanding of the Spanish court upon the subject was, 
therefore, clear. 

The terms of the contract of marriage, excluding Maria 
Theresa from the Spanish succession, were not, it appears 
from documents almost contemporaneous, regarded by the 
French diplomatists as strict obligations ; particularly in 
view of the fact that the dowry of 500,000 crowns stipulated 
in the contract to be paid by Spain within 18 months was 
not paid. This, it was diplomatically alleged, left the door 
open to France to repudiate, if she chose, the other part of 
the treaty obligation ; that is, the renunciation of all right 


to the Spanish Crown by Maria Theresa, for herself and her 

Such, at least, was subsequently the construction assumed, 
under the- French view : and, indeed, it was supposed, that 
the omission to exact the dowry was intentional, so as to 
leave the question of succession open so far as the French 
were concerned ; the dowry being treated as a quid pro quo 
for the renunciation. 

Besides this view, that the claims of the French line were 
not cut off, for the reason that the dowry or quasi consider- 
ation of the renunciation had never been paid, another 
reason urged by French statesmen, was, that neither Maria 
Theresa, nor even the King of France, himself, had the in- 
herent power, by any contract, renunciation or treaty, to 
bind children yet unborn, and cut off the legitimate succes- 
sion to the Spanish kingdom, according to its laws. 

At any rate, it was considered that any renunciation was 
revocable, particularly where the parties interested should 
all consent. 

Therefore, it was argued, that, if the French King, the 
Dauphin, the Spanish King, and the Spanish people, for 
whose particular benefit the compact was made, all chose 
to revoke the contract, the outside powers had no valid 
ground of complaint. 

These were the views that the statesmen of France enter- 
tained, on this important matter. Another view Was that 
the renunciation of Anne of Austria had been presented to 
the Estates of Castile and Aragon and ratified by them ; 
that of Maria Theresa had not been ratified by those 
Estates ; and this was also one of the reasons subsequently 
advanced by casuists and jurisconsults, in deciding that the 
descendants of Maria Theresa were the legitimate heirs of 
the Crown of Spain. The minority of Maria Theresa, when 
the renunciation was signed, was also urged. 

The feeble condition of the young Spanish King,- and the 
probability of his speedy decease, without descendants, 
caused grave apprehension at the French Court, in view of 
the claim that had long been advanced by the House of 
Austria to succeed to the Spanish Crown. A permanent 


alliance or concord between France and Spain, in view of 
their contiguity, was desirable, it was urged, not only for 
France, but for both countries : the sympathy of Latin races, 
somewhat of a common origin, and similarity of tastes and 
language in many respects, made such an alliance or union 

France desired a permanent ally on her southern frontier, 
both for protection and for commercial or economic reasons ; 
and it would be impossible for her political relations with 
Spain to be ever amicable so long as the House of Haps- 
burg was at the head of the Spanish nation. 

An Austrian or German control of the region South of 
her was a political disadvantage, particularly, as to the 
North East and South East the Spanish possessions in 
Flanders and in Italy-were a continual source of menace. 

The Crowns of Austria and France had been in almost 
continual hostility since the unity of the domains of the 
Emperor with those of Spain, the presence of the House 
of Hapsburg in Spain was always an irritation, and recent 
wars had embittered the unfriendly feeling. During the 
war of Philip H. against the United Provinces, France had 
opposed the Germano-Spanish power ; France had taken 
the side of the German Protestant Princes against the Em- 
peror, during the 30 years' war; and, under Louis XHI. 
and Louis XIV., war with Spain had been continuous. 

A possible unification of the Austrian and Spanish crowns, 
therefore, would doubtless result, it was supposed, in a per- 
petual contest ; and France, again, might be humbled by a 
power as colossal as that under which Francis I. had suc- 
cumbed, when Charles V. held the united power of both 
Germany and Spain. Consequently, another such union of 
the crowns was deemed by France full of peril to her 
and a menace to the public peace. 

The same principles would apply, however, in the eyes of 
the other nationalities, against the assumption of France to 
place a representative of the reigning Bourbon family on 
the Spanish throne. The House of Bourbon controlling the 
power of the two crowns of France and Spain might be as 
perilous to the other States as the possession of the double 


crown by Austria. In either case, the disturbance of the 
political balance would be a subject of apprehension by 

But the general feeling in Europe, was in opposition to 
the extension of the rule of the Bourbons ; particularly, in 
view of the fact, that the Emperor was always under the 
control of the German principalities, to whom he owed his 
elevation and his power ; and by whom, in case of undue 
aggression, he might be restrained. 


The claims of Austria to the succession of the Spanish 
crown were based upon the marriage of Maria Ann of Aus- 
tria, second daughter of Philip III. of Spain, with the Em- 
peror Ferdinand III. ; Maria Ann by this marriage became 
mother of the Emperor Leopold I. ; and, in view of the 
renunciations before referred to by the two French Queens, 
the Emperor Leopold I. asserted that he was the lawful heir 
to the Spanish crown, in virtue of the rights of his mother. 
By his second marriage^ with Eleanor of Neubourg, daughter 
of the Elector Palatine, the Emperor had two sons, Joseph 
and Charles ; the younger of whom he destined for the 
crown of Spain. 


Another claimant to the Spanish succession was the 
House of Bavaria, whose claims were stronger than those 
of Austria. 

This claim arose through the marriage of Margaret — a 
daughter of Philip IV. of Spain and a younger sister of 
Maria Theresa, the Queen of France. The former had mar- 
ried the Emperor Leopold by his first marriage, and their 
daughter of that marriage, Mary Antoinette, was married 
to the Elector Joseph of Bavaria ; and their son, the Prince 
Elector, was, therefore, a presumptive heir to the crown of 

The claim of the infant Electoral Prince of Bavaria, 


through his mother, the Electress, although superior to 
that of Austria, was not favored by his grandfather, the 
Emperor, who preferred the claims of the House of Austria, 
so as to be able to control the Spanish dominions for that 

The claims of the Electress of Bavaria were fortified by 
the fact that she and her descendants had been designated 
as heirs to the Spanish crown, by the late King. 

Philip IV., by his will, recites that, inasmuch as his 
daughter, Maria Theresa, the Queen of France, had re- 
nounced all right to the crown of Spain, he therefore 
appointed the Infanta Margaret, his second daughter, 
and her descendants heirs of his dominions, if his son 
Charles died without descendants. 

The Emperor, as has been stated, was married to Mar- 
garet as his first wife, and their daughter married the 
Elector of Bavaria. 

On the marriage of this daughter, however, the Emperor 
compelled her to renounce the throne of Spain, on condi- 
tion that the Elector should have the Spanish Netherlands, 
in case the King of Spain died childless. 

The infant Electoral Prince was a candidate whose suc- 
cession would induce no disturbance, and create no jeal- 
ousies ; and it was the opinion of thoughtful and wise men 
that the succession, in the interests of all Europe, should 
pass to him, 


The interests of other European States in the Spanish 
succession, although not apparently immediate, were still 
neither remote nor unimportant. 

The preponderance of power, as has been above remarked, 
which would result in the unification of the Crown of Spain 
with that either of France or Austria, would, in itself, not 
only impair the influence but would threaten the indepen- 
dence of the other States. 

Especially obnoxious to the States of England and Hol- 
land was the prospect of a French king upon the Spanish 


throne. These States had long found an extensive market 
in Spain, for their manufactured goods, which French inter- 
ference might disturb. England's existing commercial 
relations with Spain and its Indian Colonies would be 
probably materially changed to the disadvantage of the 
former nation, if a Bourbon prince were selected, and her 
position as the first naval power of the world would be lost, 
if opposed by a united Spanish and French marine, which 
might close the Mediterranean to England, and restrict her 
commerce everywhere. 

Holland, also, was interested against the Franco-Spanish 
scheme, for the Spanish Netherlands were now a barrier to 
her against French aggression, although many strong forti- 
fied towns were, under the treaty of Aix la Chapelle (in 
1668), and of Nymeguen (in 1678), still in the hands of 
France ; the present barrier, however, it was of vital inter- 
est for Holland to have maintained. 

National feeling was also strong against France, for her 
wars waged ruthlessly with Holland, which had, at times, 
humiliated and impoverished her ; and the efforts of France 
to make encroachment in the Low countries had been con- 
tinuous, and always menacing to Dutch independence. 


A more remote claimant to the Spanish succession was 
the House of Savoy. 

This claim or pretension arose through the marriage of 
Carl Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, with Catherine, a sister of 
Philip in. of Spain and daughter of Philip II. Another 
pretender to the succession was Philip the Duke of Orleans, 
brother of Louis XIV., and younger son of Anne of Austria, 
who was the oldest daughter of Philip III. : his claim, how- 
ever, was subject to so numerous contingencies as not to be 
seriously considered. 

To illustrate the serious aspect in which was viewed the 
possible succession of a French Prince to the Spanish 
throne, the words of Fenelon, abstracted from his essay 
" On the Balance of Power," may be aptly quoted. He 


Speaks of the supposed case of Charles' decease, and in- 
stances it as such a case of disturbance of the balance of 
power as to warrant European interference. "We in 
France have now in view a possible event, when the truth 
of what we have advanced will be apparent. It is, if the 
King of Spain should happen to die, without issue : I sup- 
pose the renunciation of the Queens to have been void, and 
that, consequently, we have a certain right to the succes- 
sion to Spain. When once we shall have become masters 
of Spain, we shall, by consequence, have Portugal in our 
power : all Italy will become a Province of our Kingdom, 
through Naples and Milan ; we shall be absolutely masters 
of the Mediterranean, by Cadiz and the other ports of Spain ; 
by Fayal, Gayetta, etc. We shall have the key of Holland 
and ruin their Commerce, by Antwerp. Holland being sub- 
dued, without resistance, we shall become masters of the 
Channel, and all the Commerce of Germany and the north- 
ern ports. Nothing would hinder us, during some Turkish 
war, from subduing Germany itself. England would be 
exposed, with vastly inferior force, to our descents, and 
durst not withstand us. We should be the tyrants of all 
Europe. All Europe has, therefore, a right to concur in 
excluding us from this succession ; at the same time, that 
we are entitled to it, by written laws." 


Treaties for the Dismemberment of Spain, on the anticipated Decease of 
Charles I. of Spain. — Secret Treaty of 1668 ; between the Emperor 
and France. — Prior Intrigues of Louis in Spain. — First Treaty of Par- 
tition between France, England and Holland, 1698. — Second Treaty 
of Partition, between the same Powers, 1700. — Policy of the above 
Treaties. — Feeling in England as to these Treaties. — Protests of 
Spain. — Action of the Emperor. — Intrigues of the Emperor to nego- 
tiate with France for the Dismemberment of the Spanish Dominions. 
— Doubts as to the Sincerity of Louis in making the Treaties of Par- 


Louis XIV.'s attempts at the aggrandizement of France, 
to the detriment of neighboring States, had heretofore met 
with determined opposition. 

Various leagues and combinations to oppose him have 
been in former pages adverted to, in all which the Emperor 
was the most prominent actor. 

As early as the year 1667, while Charles was almost an 
infant, Louis began to entertain ideas for the aggrandize- 
ment of France, by the dismemberpient of the Spanish do- 
minions ; and, singularly enough, his sole coadjutor, at this 
time, was the Emperor. Subsequent war quite abrogated 
this compact. 

This extraordinary treaty of division of the estates of 
Spain, made between Louis XIV. and the Emperor, was set 
afoot in January, 1667, and signed in January, 1668, and was, 
by its terms, to be kept in great secrecy and concealment. 

The main features of the Treaty provided for the divis- 
ion of the Spanish Dominions, on the decease of Charles II. 
without heirs ; so that Spain and its possessions in Italy 
and the Mediterranean should be the portion of the Em- 
pire, also the Indies, Milan and other designated places : 
and the Spanish Netherlands, Navarre, Naples, Sicily and 



certain other ports and places should belong to France. 
The execution of this treaty was a matter of great exulta- 
tion to Louis and his ministers. 

Even prior to this compact, as early as June, 1661, Louis 
had sent to his Ambassador in Spain instructions to. use all 
efforts to procure the annulment of the renunciation of 
Maria Theresa and her descendants before referred to, and 
to have a declaration made by the then King of Spain, 
Philip IV., that the Queen of France and her children were 
qualified to have succession to the throne of Spain. 

These efforts were to be made, in spite of the fact, that, 
on the Isle of Faisans near the Spanish frontier, where 
Louis received the Infanta as his bride, on the 6th of June, 
1660, he had taken the solemn oath before referred to, to 
keep his treaty with Spain, and to observe the act of renun- 
ciation made by his wife, Maria Theresa. 

These efforts of Louis, which lasted a year and a half, 
were ineffectual to move the Spanish court. They indicate, 
however, that the Spanish succession for a Bourbon, was 
long a subject of the thoughts and ambition of the French 
king ; and that the Policy subsequently adopted in this re- 
gard, was not one suddenly conceived, nor one which was 
the mere result of new conditions. 

The Peace of Ryswick, in 1697, terminated the war of 
nine years, but did not put a stop to the views of the 
French King, as to Spain. He retained his army and navy 
on a war footing ; and, while still preparing for the emer- 
gency of war, and still concealing his views as to the suc- 
cession, entered into a treaty for the dismemberment of 
Spain, which was made on the ilth October, 1698, after 
prolonged and complicated negotiations; the Earl of Port- 
land representing William III. at the French Court, and 
the Count De Tallard conducting the negotiations at Lon- 
don, in behalf of Louis. The parties to this extraordinary 
Treaty of Partition were France, Great Britain and Holland. 



By its terms, on the decease of Charles, without issue, 
the Electoral Prince of Bavaria was to succeed to the Span- 
ish Peninsula, the Low Countries, and the Spanish Indian 
possessions : the Dauphin was to have the Kingdoms of 
Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, part of Tuscany, and certain terri- 
tories near the Pyrenees ; and the Archduke Charles was to 
be content with the Duchy of Milan. 

The theory of the treaty was, that, as the death of the 
king of Spain, at any moment, might cause great confusion 
and a general war, it was desirable that the European Pow- 
ers should unite to prevent it, by making a satisfactory 
arrangement for the government of the various countries of 
the Spanish dominions, and that the Treaty would be a sub- 
stantial foundation for the public repose. 

This treaty was also to be kept secret, but its contents 
leaked out, and caused great indignation in Spain. The 
Protest against it issued by the Spanish Ambassador at 
London directed to the " Lords Justices of England," quite 
ignoring the Parliament, was considered so insolent and 
seditious in its character that the Ambassador was ordered, 
immediately, to leave England. 


The decease of the infant Electoral Prince of Bavaria on 
February 8, 1699, rendered abortive this compact of 1698 ; 
and, in March, negotiations for a new compact were entered 
into ; whereby the Archduke Charles was to succeed to the 
portion allotted to the late Electoral Prince of Bavaria ; 
and the Dauphin was to have, as an addition, Lorraine and 
Bar ; in exchange for which, the House of Lorraine was to 
have the Duchy of Milan. 

The treaty further contained the sweeping proviso that 
the sovereignty of Spain and its Indian possessions should 
never appertain to any prince who should be, at the same time, 
EiHperor or King of the Romans, or either King or Dauphin 
of France. This treaty was signed in May, 1700, at London, 
and at the Hague. 


Notwithstanding the above treaties, the disposition of 
the other European Princes, and their views as to the suc- 
cession, were continuously and adroitly sounded by French 

William III., it was well known, carried to the English 
throne all his Dutch antipathy to France and its attempts 
at aggrandizement, by the absorption of other States : and 
even when busy with the complications of the new English 
settlement, was active in foreign politics. 


The above treaties of Partition, were probably entered 
into by William, because, by them, either a representative 
of the House of Bavaria or of Austria was to be placed, as 
ruler, over the Spanish Peninsula and the Netherlands, 
and act as a barrier for Holland ; and the policy of prevent- 
ing a unification of the Spanish and French crowns was, to 
him, a policy paramount to all other considerations. 

The making of the Treaty, however, by him, without a 
full communication to Parliament on the subject, caused 
great excitement in that body ; it was denounced, there, as 
a piece of highway robbery and a felony, and the impeach- 
ment of ministers was threatened. The Commons, in fact, 
impeached the Earls of Portland and Orford, and Lords 
Somers and Halifax, for their part in the Treaty, but the 
proceedings were not continued to any definite conclusion 
in the Commons ; and the Lords, thereupon, took advan- 
tage of the delay, and pronounced the acquittal of the 

The general public feeling, as regards this Treaty, in 
England, wa^, that William had been outwitted by Louis, 
who never had intended to carry it out ; and, even if he 
had, its terms, it was considered, would have operated much 
to the aggrandizement of France. 

The House of Lords, some time after, declared in an 
address to the king, " That having read the Treaty of Parti- 
tion of the 2 1 St February and 3d March, 1700, they to their 
great sorrow, feared it would be of ill consequence, and 


might have been greater, if it had taken effect ; therefore 
they humbly beseeched his Majesty, that, for the future, 
he would rely on the counsels of his natural born subjects ; 
and not trust to foreigners, who could not be so well quali- 
fied to advise him ; and, as to the King of France, they 
advised his Majesty to be more cautious of him for the 
future, since he- had so manifestly violated his engage- 

The fact of the making of the second Treaty of division 
was openly and formally communicated by Holland, Eng- 
land and France to the kings, princes and States of Europe, 
asking them to take part in it. 

The French Ambassador at Madrid, also (on 9th Sept., 
1700), communicated the fact to the Court of Spain : at the 
same time, warning that Court, that France would oppose 
the receiving of any of the troops of the Emperor, in any 
part of the Spanish dominions, where, it was alleged, they 
were gathering ; and that orders had been given to remove 

The King of Spain, through his Ambassador at London, 
made strong protest against this Treaty " as a thing unex- 
ampled among nations ; " and alleged that it was " sub- 
versive of all National right and independence, and tended 
to make discord and disorder in the Kingdom," and 
testified " to the resentment and grief of a sovereign King 
at such a course against him, by friendly powers." 

A similar protest was made by the Spanish Ambassador 
at the Hague. 

The Emperor was given three months by the parties to 
the treaty to signify his adhesion or assent to it. 

He postponed his answer until the i8th August, when he 
made a verbal statement, through his ambassadors, to the 
effect," that the Emperor considered it improper, at that 
time, while the King of Spain was living, to enter into any 
such arrangements, and that, in case the King of Spain died 
childless, the Emperor believed he had, alone,, the right of 
succession to all the Spanish dominions ; and that, in 
default of the Austrian line, the Duke of Savoy would 
succeed to that right, agreeably to the will of Philip IV." 


Before the Emperor gave his final answer, the Austrian 
ministry had vainly endeavored by negotiations with 
Villars, the French Ambassador at Vienna, to induce Louis 
to abandon the Treaty of Partition, to utterly ignore Hol- 
land and England, and to divide the Spanish dominions 
between the houses of Hapsburg and Bourbon. 

"Do you not see," said the two Austrian ministers of 
State to Villars, " that the interest both of God and of our 
masters requires that the King and the Emperor should be 
united ? And what a power France would control over the 
two other powers (England and Holland) : which, after hav- 
ing been allied with the Emperor, now so directly and openly 
are acting in opposition to him ? You must expect them 
to act in the same way towards France on the first oppor- 
tunity they have. However feeble is the health of the King 
of Spain that of William is worse, and the former will out- 
live him. In that case your King will have the glory of 
re-establishing the old religion and the true King of England 
in his dominions. We can make a secret treaty about all 
this and appear to enter into the Partition Treaty with you ; 
and so soon as the King of Spain is dead we can each take 
the part that is most suitable for the King and the Emperor 
respectively. You must agree, at any rate, that our two 
countries are the masters of the situation." 

It was fortunate for England that this wholesale proposi- 
tion for the dismemberment of Spain was not carried out. 
It might have changed the succession in the former country 
as well as in the latter. 

The King of France gave a deaf ear to all these propos- 
als, however, suspecting in them a trick of the Emperor 
to disunite him from England and Holland and to break up 
the Partition Treaty. 

The Emperor's negotiations to break up the Treaty of 
Partition having failed, he put in the verbal protest against 
it, as above stated. 

Few of the other powers of Europe gave assent to the 
Treaty, and none of the great powers of the North. They 
preferred to wait the course of events, at this critical period 
of European politics. 


This second Treaty of division caused equal irritation in 
the Courts of Madrid and Vienna. The Emperor, although 
he was to have the lion's share, complained particularly that 
Italy was to be taken from the House of Austria, and pro- 
tested, in form, to all the Powers. It is probable, in view 
of subsequent events, that Louis entered into these treaties 
with no fixed idea of keeping them. 

Pending the negotiations for them, and subsequent to 
their execution, his intrigues in Spain to have the succession 
to all the dominions of the Spanish Crown secured to the 
House of Bourbon, were incessant and active. The favor 
with which French interests were regarded in Spain and the 
intrigues of the French Ambassador there, narrated in suc- 
ceeding chapters, caused apprehension in the minds of 
William and his ministers, that the King of France, should 
a made by the King of Spain designating a Bourbon 
as his successor, would not adhere to the Treaty of Parti- 
tion, but would seize the entire Spanish dominions for his 
own House. These apprehensions continued, in spite of a 
diplomatic denial, on the part of the French ministers, that 
any such course would be adopted. 

The intrigues of the French minister at Madrid will now 
be adverted to, as well as the efforts of the Emperor to 
counteract them. 


Beginning of Intrigues at the Spanish Court. — Condition of Charles. — 
Policy of the Queen Mother. — The two Wives of Charles II. — Sus- 
picion of Poison. — The Policy of the Queen Consort. — Sides taken 
by the Spanish Court Officials. — Cardinal Portocarrero. — The Grand 
Inquisitor and the Confessors. — The King's Physicians. — Incertitude 
of Charles. — Death of the Queen Mother. — French Diplomacy. — 
The Marquis d'Harcourt. — His Instructions from the French Court. 
— His Intrigues and Munificence. — Gradual Change of feeling tow- 
ards France. — The Count Harrach, the Emperor's Ambassador. — 
The Countess Berlips. — Harrach's Instructions. — Feeling in Spain. 
— Harrach's Efforts. — D'Harcourt's State Entry into Madrid. 


For a period of twelve years before the decease of Charles 
II., of Spain, his court was a busy scene of quarrel and in- 
trigue — and even of crime. The Spanish King, whose de- 
cease was looked forward to with such interest, was a man 
of retiring habits, with no kingly qualities. His head was 
bent forward — his expression downcast — his body feeble 
and thin — his legs rickety, and his mind sluggish — all in- 
dicated degeneracy of race.* His natural disposition, mel- 
ancholy and timid, was aggravated by continuous and dan- 
gerous maladies, which sometimes made him choleric and 
rash in action. He had passed most of his life in a state of 
ignorance and apathy, and was indisposed to all exertion. 
He hated his surroundings of royal state ; and, in fact, he 

* It is related of Charles II., that, at his birth, he was placed in a box 
of cotton, being so little and so delicate that the nurses could not venture 
to swaddle him. A contemporaneous diplomatist also thus informs us in a 
letter to Hon. Alex. Stanhope ; " Charles has a ravenous stomach and 
swallows all he eats, whole ; for his nether jaw stands so much out that 
his two rows of teeth cannot meet ; to compensate which, he has a pro- 
digious wide throat, so that a gizzard or liver of a hen passes down 
whole ; which his wedk stomach is not able to digest." 



hated the world — especially as seen in courts. His knowl- 
edge of State affairs was slight, and his aversion to all pub- 
lic duties was extreme, and caused him to be governed and 
influenced by those by whom he was surrounded and who 
would take from him the cares of State. In the earlier part 
of his reign, his mother, a sister of the Emperor Leopold, and 
Regent of the Kingdom, had exercised a supreme influence 
over him. After the decease of the Queen mother, his min- 
isters took control of affairs, and subsequently his second 
wife, a sister of the Empress, had entire influence over him, 
and indirectly governed the Nation. She removed from 
the court those she could not control ; her favorites and 
■ confederates filled all places of dignity and power ; and all 
her and their influence was, at first, directed in support of 
the interests of the House of Austria. 

The first wife of Charles H. was a niece of Louis XIV., 
and consequently inclined toward France. 

Such was the acerbity, in those days, of political opposi- 
tion, such, perhaps, the length to which ambition, in high 
places, could go, that it was charged, that the young French 
consort of the king had been poisoned, either through the 
sufferance, or by the instrumentality of the Ambassador of 
the Emperor. The party directly engaged in this was 
alleged to be the Countess of Soissons, then dwelling at the 
Spanish Court — a niece of Mazarin, one of^ the Mancinis, 
and the mother of the thereafter celebrated Prince Eugene. 
She had been banished from the French Court ; and the 
action above alluded to was supposed to be in the interest 
of Austria. It has been observed, however, that, in those 
days, whenever a Royal personage died suddenly, poison 
was always suspected. 

The Queen mother, the Count of Oropesa, formerly Prime 
Minister, and many prominent members of the cabinet sup- 
ported the claims of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria. 

With the Queen consort, supporting the claims of Aus- 
tria, were Melgar, the Admiral of Castile, virtually Prime 
Minister, and also, at first, Cardinal Portocarrero, Arch- 
bishop of Toledo, a master of political priestcraft, and the 
intriguing Camarera mayor, the Countess Berlips, and also, 


subsequently, the Count Oropesa, and many of the gran- 
dees and office-holders. 

For the French side few of the nobles and ministers man- 
ifested themselves ; but a change was, in a short time, per- 

There also figured on the scene of these famous intrigues, 
the Secretary of the Cardinal, all the nobility and their 
wives, the Pope's Nuncio, the Grand Inquisitor, the Queen's 
confessor. Father Gabriel Chiusa, a German Capuchin, the 
king's former arid his subsequent confessor, and even the 
king's two physicians, who often gave advice, ostensibly for 
the king's health, but really, from the political reasons that 
the Queen should not be with him during his occasional 
journeys, for relief and repose, to Toledo. The king, easy 
to persuade, was alternately influenced by his wife and his 
mother, which latter, until her decease, continued to favor 
the interests of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria. 

In 1696, the intrigues of the Queen mother in support of 
the young Prince of Bavaria, had caused Charles to make a 
will, in secret, in favor of that Prince. The Queen mother 
having died in May, 1696, the Queen consort, favoring the 
side of the Emperor, and assisted by the Austrian Ambas- 
sador, prevailed upon the king to destroy the will, and to 
promise to select one of the sons of the Emperor. The 
Austrian party seemed now to have the ascendency, and 
those who formerly advocated the claims of the Electoral 
Prince, to a great extent, joined the party of the Emperor. 

The various intrigues ensuing at the Spanish court, by 
the representatives of the Court of France and the Empire, 
with the intention to secure the succession in favor of their 
respective sovereigns, form a remarkable and interesting 
chapter in diplomatic history. 

To represent the French king, amid the difficulties sur- 
rounding the question of the "Succession," the Marquis, 
subsequently the Duke d'Harcourt, was selected, as pecul- 
iarly fitted for the dehcate mission. He was a man of 
ancient lineage, he had served, with great distinction, in 
Flanders under Turenne, and had a positive genius for 
diplomacy: courteous in manners, keen of perception, 


fertile in resources, and rapid in judgment, he had also a 
great experience of mankind, and above all, a reputation 
for honor and probity, that placed him high in the esteem 
of his own court, and gave him the confidence of all. 

The Marquis d'Harcourt's instructions were most mi- 
nute ; as regarded, not only the main object of his mis- 
sion, but as to his modes of action, including his deport- 
ment and demeanor — all showing that his mission and its 
smallest details had been the subject of deep consideration 
at the French Court. He was told to impress the Span- 
iards with reliance and trust in his actions and word, so as 
to gain their respect and confidence, in order that he might 
more thoroughly sound their sentiments, and ascertain the 
views, not only of the court, but of the Nation, and pene- 
trate into the thoughts and predilections of the leading men 
of the kingdom. 

He was particularly to watch the minister of the German 
Empire, and counteract his plans. He was to endeavor to 
divert the mind of Charles from his prejudices against the 
French — prejudices which had been particularly instilled 
into him by the Queen mother and by his own Queen. He 
was to ascertain if there were a party forming in the interests 
of France, and, if so, to promote its growth, and take special 
pains to make the Spaniards understand that misfortunes 
innumerable to them would result if they came under the 
rule of the Emperor — while under the reign of a French 
Prince, they would have repose and prosperity. 

He was, further, to conciliate all classes of Spaniards, 
and ingratiate himself particularly with the grandees, and 
to be assiduous in his attentions to the Queen, in order to 
make her moderate her views towards France. His first 
despatch is dated 23d December, 1697 — soon after his 
arrival. The Marquis, at first, was coldly received. He, 
first, was only allowed to see the King in a darkened cham- 
ber, for fear that the moribund condition of the poor mon- 
arch might be too apparent ; and he was several months in 
Madrid before he could obtain his official audience : the 
Austrian party, also, was so influential that all the Nobility 
stood aloof from him. D'Harcourt, however, in spite of 


his cold reception, immediately set to work to ingratiate 
himself and promote French interests with the grandees 
and people of Spain. His munificence and largesses at 
Madrid were unexampled ; and his subsequent public entry 
into that capital was one of royal state. He entertained 
sumptuously, not only the great men, but influential per- 
sons of all degrees, and his palace was a place of continual 
festivity. Banquets were daily spread for persons of con- 
sequence, and fountains of wine and chocolate often ran 
freely for the lower orders, before his palace. The Marquis 
was also generous in his donations and largesses to needy 
persons among the ecclesiastics and others, and even paid 
the judgments of those who were confined in prison for 
debt. His house and his purse seemed open to all claims- 
and he gave with a bounteous hand, in the name of his 
magnificent master. His officers and servants were also 
instructed to be conciliating and deferential to all ; in order 
to draw towards France the good-will of the people, and 
create ^. prestige in favor of all that was French, and to en- 
deavor to form an agreeable contrast with the somewhat 
rude and discourteous Germans. 

The liberality, courtesy and magnificence of the French 
ambassador were, as was shrewdly intended, not without 
their effect ; and proved valuable diplomatic auxiliaries. 
They not only flattered the Spanish mind but gratified'and 
relieved its tastes, forming as they did, a strong and gay 
contrast with the grim forms, dull routine and parsimony 
that characterized the Austro-Spanish state. 

In a very short time, a feeling in favor of France became 
manifest ; and cheers for France, the King of France, and 
for the Ambassador greeted D'Harcourt on his drives. 
Many of the high nobility, seeing which way the wind was 
blowing, began to curry favor with the French diplomatic 
Court, and plainly indicated their views as to the probability 
of a succession in favor of a Bourbon. 

The Emperor had sent, even before the Peace of Ryswick, 
as his representative and chief agent in this important af- 
fair, an old-fashioned formalized diplomatist, the Count Von 
Harrach. The Count was well advanced in years, and seems 


to liave been too ingenuous and too dull for a mission that 
required an unusual amount of penetration, activity and 
sagacity to deal successfully with the mysteries and in- 
trigues of combined French and Spanish diplomacy. The 
Count's instructions were, to ascertain the feeling of the 
Spanish court and people, to watch the French agents, and 
to do everything that was to be done in aid of the Aus- 
trian interests. 

The Count, although he had been twice before Ambassa- 
dor to Spain, had not been able to gather instruction for his 
present mission, where conciliation and wily intrigue were 
more potential than the stately intercourse and dignified 
rules of strict diplomacy. The veteran diplomatist was 
slow and ceremonious, pompous and ungracious in manner, 
and not at all the kind of man to find out what was going 
on. So troubled did he become, amid the meshes spread 
for him by the Marquis and those acting with him, that he 
sent for his son, also a Count Harrach, to come to his assist- 
ance ; and also, the wife of the latter — a person of attrac- 
tive manners and agreeable social qualities, who was spe- 
cially deputed to counteract the influence of the brilliant 
French Ambassadress, the Marchioness d'Harcourt. It 
was a long time after his arrival, before Count Harrach, 
although eager to begin his work, could obtain a public 
audience ; the reason alleged by the Spanish Court being, 
that, in a letter brought by the Count from the Emperor, 
addressed to their Spanish Majesties, the Queen had been 
styled " most beloved " instead of "most serene." A cou- 
rier had to be sent to Vienna to rectify this difficulty. The 
anecdote illustrates the extraordinary punctilio of the Span- 
ish Court, which must have much embarrassed diplomatic 
efforts. In league, at first, with the Imperial embassy, was 
a person of great influence with the Queen, Countess Ber- 
lip.s, a German woman of common origin, who had accom- 
panied the Queen to Madrid and remained with her as 
prime favorite, exercising the functions of Camarera Mayor. 
With agreeable person and manner, but of haughty temper 
and extreme ambition, she became of sufficient conse- 
quence to figure in all the plots and counterplots of the 


court ; and to be an object of interest and research for both 
the great Ambassadors. 

The Count Harrach was specially instructed to win over 
the Cardinal Portocarrero, whose influence at Court was all 
powerful, to the Austrian interests ; also the Count of 
Monterey, who was supposed to be inclined to favor the 
French ; he was also instructed, with a view to conciliate 
the king, to offer the services of io,ooo German troops, if 
needed, either against France or to quell revolts in the 
Spanish territories : to the Queen, to Madame Berlips and 
to the Admiral of Castile he was to be especially gracious 
and conciliatory. 

The general feeling in Spain, however, became, in no long 
time, quite decided on the French side of the question. 
In spite of the many wars theretofore waged with France 
and the misery they had occasioned, there was no little feel- 
ing drawing Spaniards toward France, arising perhaps from 
similarity of race and propinquity of territory — the French 
marriages made also a bond of union. Some gratitude to 
Louis also was felt for his apparent generosity in the terms of 
the Treaty at Ryswick. There was a fear, too, that the bal- 
ance of power and the independence of States, and, conse- 
quently, the tranquillity of Europe would be more imper- 
illed if a Hapsburg rather than a Bourbon rule controlled 
the action of a double crown. In opposition to these feel- 
ings the Count Harrach sought to revive, in the breasts of 
the Spaniards, their ancient friendship for Germany, which 
had almost become extinguished by the action of the needy 
and ambitious Germans at the Spanish Court, who, abusing 
the good-will of the Queen, and taking advantage of the 
weakness of the king, had appropriated to themselves al- 
most absolute power in the dispensation of the dignities 
and offices of the crown. This feeling against the Ger- 
mans Harrach grievously complains of, in his despatches to 
the Emperor, 

D'Harcourt, the French Ambassador, made his grand 
public entry into Madrid, in September, 1698 ; and was 
received by the King, on his first public audience, as Am- 


From an account of the entry of the Ambassador, pub- 
lished at Madrid, in 1698, it must have been one of unusual 
magnificence. Banquets were given to the gentlemen who 
were to form the cortkge, in the Ambassador's palace ; while, 
before it, outside, the people were, as usual, regaled from 
fountains. A number of mounted gentlemen belonging to 
the embassy, clothed in velvet and brocades heavily deco- 
rated in gold, opened the procession, followed by twenty- 
four other gentlemen of the embassy, their garments glist- 
ening in silver and gold lace. Then followed thirty servants 
or pages in livery, and after them the French Ambassador 
on horseback, having on either side of him the Major Domo 
of the king and the conductor of the Ambassadors. The 
king's gilded carriage then followed, and, after it, five elabo- 
rately carved carriages of the Embassy — heavily draped in 
cloth of gold, and drawn by horses and mules in rich trap- 
pings. The streets and windows of the houses were crowded 
with people whose vehement and continuous vivas for 
France, and special shouts for her Ambassador, showed the 
popularity of the French with the multitude ; while ladies 
of high degree, from balcony and window, waved enthusi- 
astic welcome and threw perfumes and flowers to the well 
gratified and triumphant Frenchman. 


Intrigues at the Spanish Court continued.— D'Harcourt's efforts to con- 
ciliate the Spaniards.— He gains the Countess Berlips.— Brilhant 
offers to the Queen.— Her changing Views.— Change of the King's 
Confessor. — Charles visits the Tombs of his Ancestors for Relief and 
Meditation. — France preparing for War. — She assumes a threatening 
Attitude.— Feeble condition of Spain.— Despatch of Louis as to his 
Policy. — Extracts from the Despatches of the Emperor's Ambassa- 
dor.— He is continually foiled by French Intrigues. — Suspicious 
Demeanor, towards him, of the Countess Berlips and the Queen. — 
Complaints of the Count Harrach. — Increasing Decrepitude of 
Charles. — Departure of the Count Harrach. — Will made by Charles, 
in favor of the Electoral Prince.— Death of the Electoral Prince. — 
Suspicion of Poison. — Action of the Elector. 

From the time of his arrival, the Marquis d'Harcourtwas 
informed of everything that was said or done about the 
court. He had his paid agents everywhere, and of every 
degree; and what was most secretly done or said, even in 
the rooms of the King or Queen, was revealed to him. The 
meetings of the Cabal in favor of France, were secretly held 
at the house of an old French intriguante, styled the Mar- 
quise de Gardagne, who had had diplomatic experience in 
Italy, in securing letters and papers; and who subsequently 
was ordered to leave Madrid, on twenty-four hours' notice. 
The profusion of D'Harcourt's bribes and the extent of his 
promises for place, under the possible French succession, 
opened every door to him, and gained for him much 
influential support : Harrach was unable to stem the popu- 
lar tide in favor of France, and the interests of the Bava- 
rian party, also, seemed quite disregarded. As, after the 
Peace of Ryswick, Louis not only did not disband his 
army, but kept his fleets afloat, under various pretences, 
and supplied his naval magazines, apprehension was felt at 
the Spanish Court that some hostile procedure was impend- 
ing. D'Harcourt, however, subdued the apprehensions of 



the Spaniards as to these armaments, by asserting that the 
preparations of a fleet were for the attack of pirates, in the 
Barbary States ; and offered the ships to Spain for the 
relief of her garrison at Ceuta, then besieged by the 
Moors. This offer of the fleet gave great assistance to the 
French cause in Spanish circles : the French became more 
popular daily, and shouts became more frequent among the 
populace in favor of France, its king, and its popular min- 

In due time, the Marquis gained over that important per- 
sonage, the Countess Berlips, by taking her side in a quarrel 
with the Austrian Ambassador, and promising her, even, a 
petty sovereignty. He also gained the Queen's confessor 
by the promise of a Cardinal's hat ; and, above all, influenced 
to his side Cardinal Portocarrero, Archbishop of Toledo, 
by gold, by promises of aggrandizement under a Bourbon 
rule, and by dexterously catering to the cardinal's pronounced 
taste for luxury and sensual living. The acquisition of the 
Cardinal was an important one, as his influence was great, 
and his talent for intrigue invaluable. The Marquis de 
Mancera was also gained over, by special instructions from 
France. The fascinating manners and adroit flattery of the 
Marquise d'Harcourt, the engaging French Ambassadress, 
began also to have their effect even on the Queen, and 
shook her fidelity to the cause of her own family. Strange 
inducements were held out to her: it was adroitly suggested 
that on her husband's decease she would be a fit bride for 
the Dauphin ; and the magical words " Queen of France " 
were whispered in her ear. The suggestion of the Re- 
gency of Spain, until the Duke of Anjou, the Bourbon aspir- 
ant, should be of age, was also advanced. 

Her zeal and alacrity for the House of Austria was evi- 
dently dissolving, under these beguiling ideas, and the 
Count Harrach was treated with increasing coldness. 

D'Harcourt also intimated, that the Queen should not 
only have the absolute Regency of the Kingdom, during 
the minority of the Duke of Anjou, but that Roussillon 
should be restored to the Spanish Crown ; and that the 
French arms should be united with those of Spain for the 


reconquest of the kingdom of Portugal, and other Prov- 
inces, that Spain had lost, since the glorious days of 
Charles V. 

What visions of grandeur and greatness with which to 
tempt the Queen to desert her kin and Royal house ! Re- 
gent of Spain — Queen of France — and she to be the 
means to restore the grandeur of Spain as of yore, and to 
rehabilitate it in its ancient possessions and glory ! 

An important functionary, the king's confessor, in the in- 
terest of Austria, who had been given to the King by the 
Queen, was also removed by the operations of the Car- 
dinal, and a new one, in the interest of France, appointed. 
The Cardinal and the new Confessor, thereupon, brought 
the power of religion and superstition to bear upon the poor 
king, who, now, that he was growing daily weaker, was the 
more easily moved by influences of that character. 

The beleaguered monarch then sought, by communion 
with the shades of the past, some release from the persecu- 
tions and intrigues to which he was subjected. Some rest 
and strength, perhaps some light, might come to him, he 
thought, by communion in spirit, with those he had loved 
— now silent in their last repose. 

Deep beneath the earth, in the jewelled mausoleum of 
the church of the Escurial, where had long slumbered the 
bodies of his ancestors, Charles passed hours, in gloomy 
meditation on his sad life and the prognostics of his imme- 
diate end. By the wild glare of torches that flickered 
through thQ dark recesses of the crypt, and shone upon the 
huge black crucifix that stood sentinel over the bronze sarco- 
phagi of the dead — the grim remains of Spain's departed 
^ majesty were exposed to view — monarchs that had wielded 
empire and shaped the fortunes of Europe, and Queens be- 
fore whose grace and beauty all knees had bowed. But the 
sad sight gave no balm or consolation to the spirit of the 
desolate king — and when the visage of his first deeply be- 
loved wife, still clear and preserved, almost in its pristine 
beauty — she who had respected and cherished him, in spite 
of all his defects — was exposed to his tremulous vision, he 
apostrophized, in a frenzied rhapsody of grief and hope, this 


dumb object of his past love. "She is in heaven," he ex- 
claimed, " and soon I shall be there with her." A deeper 
gloom and depression took possession of him after this sad 
visit to the portals of Death.* 

The King, at this time, became so weak and despondent 
that even his customary sources of relaxation — dwarfs, buf- 
foons and puppet-shows — had ceased to give him pleasure ; 
and he so feared death that he never thought himself safe 
but with his confessor and two friars by his side — who also 
were compelled to lie in his chamber every night. He had 
several fits of an epileptic character — but, on his partial re- 
covery, he was compelled to go abroad, to keep up appear- 
ances and to show that he was still alive. Occasionally, he 
figured in a religious procession ; but he looked like a' ghost 
and moved like a piece of clock-work. At this time, we 
are told, a somewhat more nourishing diet was allowed, 
composed of meat of capons that had been fed on vipers, 
and a little wine daily, he having never drunk anything be- 
fore but water boiled with cinnamon. 

In the mean time, while these intrigues were going on, 
and although peace had been but recently made, France 
was continually arming herself. Sailors were being col- 
lected in all the ports — vessels of war and transports were 
being equipped and stationed in the harbors of Spain and 
of Naples — there were 30 French men-of-war in Cadiz, and 
the Duke de Noailles was at the head of an army of 45,000 
men, who were exercising, as stated, for military instruc- 
tion, but who evidently formed a camp of observation, 
ready for prompt action. 

No wonder that under this threatening attitude, and in 
view of the exhausted condition of Spain, Charles came to 
no open conclusion as to the disposition of his Crown. 

All this armament was part of the French diplomacy, and 
stronger than any arguments the Count Harrach could 
bring — the Spaniards were helpless to coptend with France 
— this, at least, the poor king knew. 

*The Hon. Alex. Stanhope, the British minister at Madrid, gives in his 
letters a somewhat different version of this visit ; but Spanish writers 
give it as above. 


Spain had indeed been impoverished and weakened in 
her recent wars with her great neighbor. There were only 
20,000 armed men in the Spanish dominions — numbers of 
whom deserted the flag daily, in a half-starved condition. 
There was no national militia, no military spirit, such as in 
the Netherlands had once placed the courage and fighting 
qualities of the Spanish soldier in the foremost rank — no 
navy, except three or four old galleys to protect trade with 
the Indies — and any efificient vessels that were required, 
were hired from the Genoese. The State revenues de- 
pended mostly on the arrival of an occasional galleon from 
the Indies — often intercepted — and the finances were, at 
times, so low, that the lofty dignity of " grandee " was sold 
to Italian bankers. Riots from scarcity of food were of 
frequent occurrence — the palace of Count Oropesa, the late 
Prime Minister, was attacked and plundered — and crowds 
of infuriated people gathered before the royal palace, and 
compelled the King to show himself and promise them par- 
don for various outrages. The entering, by France, into 
the first Treaty, for the dismemberment of Spain (October, 
1698), above referred to, might, in view of the various in- 
trigues and efforts at Madrid, by Louis, be considered as 
singular : but, it was supposed, in diplomatic circles, that 
the making of this Treaty by France, was with the policy 
of giving at least a temporary check to the House of Aus- 
tria, in its urgent claims for the entire throne of Spain, and, 
at the same time, with a view to disarm suspicion as to the 
views of France. Accordingly, the French Ambassador 
received orders to act as if no such treaty were in progress ; 
and he still continued to employ all his diplomatic efforts 
in favor of the French succession to the entire Spanish 
dominions. About this time, Mr. Stanhope, the English 
minister at Madrid, wrote home that the French Ambassa- 
dor was gaining daily; that the antipathy of the Spaniards 
was daily increasing towards the Germans ; and, that the 
Spaniards would have no objection to receive a grandson of 
Louis for their King. " So far as I can discover the in- 
clination of the people," he writes, " it is, that they are in 
favor of a French prince, on condition of being assured that 


this prince will be never King of France : by such a choice 
they believe they will secure repose within, but they would 
prefer to have the Devil rather than to have Spain united 
to France ! " 

In a despatch of Aug. 5, 1698, by Louis to Count Tal- 
lard, who was in London endeavoring to conclude the first 
Treaty of Partition with William, the King thus expresses 
himself as to the succession, and as to his desire that the 
Treaty of Partition should be concluded. 

"The Marquis d'Harcourt informs me of the inclinations 
he finds in Spain in favor of one of my grandsons. It is 
not only the greater part of the population that does justice 
to the right of the legitimate heir, but the principal men in 
the Kingdom. They foresee the misfortunes which that 
Monarchy has to fear if it falls into other hands than those 
of my grandson ; and they do not hesitate to say that the 
King of Spain, being the master, during his life, cannot 
choose a successor to the prejudice of the laws and constitu- 
tion of the Kingdom. Many promise to declare themselves, 
on the demise of their King, and afiSrm that the partisans 
of the Emperor, hated by the whole nation, would soon be 
forsaken ; and I do not see that any one has hitherto de- 
clared for the Electoral Prince of Bavaria: thus, every- 
thing favors the just rights of my son. I am in a condition 
to maintain them, by causing the troops which I have on 
the frontiers of Spain to enter that Kingdom, if the Catho- 
lic King should die. I am able to prevent all the enter- 
prises of the Emperor, and those who would give him 
assistance : but, in truth, I cannot do so without renewing 
a war as bloody as that from which Europe has just been 
delivered. The desire of preserving the public tranquillity 
is the chief motive which has actuated me, in taking meas- 
ures with the King of England, to hinder peace from being 
disturbed, on the death of the King of Spain. It is certain 
that when the first proposals on the subject were made I 
did not see so much facility as there appears to be at pres- 
ent to have one of my grandsons recognized as successor to 
that Crown. But, as the repose of Christendom is still the 
principal object which I have in view, the more appearance 


there, is of my being able to secure the Spanish succession 
to one of my grandsons, the greater are the marks which I 
give of my moderation and of my desire to preserve peace : 
by contenting myself with a portion of the succession, and 
by sacrificing such great interests to the repose of my sub- 
jects and the tranquillity of all Europe." 

The above despatch, which, being of a private character 
was possibly sincere in its assertions, (although monarchs 
often purposely mislead their own Ambassadors), seems to 
indicate, that it was the serious intention of the French 
King, in case the Treaty of Partition was made, to adhere 
to it. As it was uncertain, however, whether the Emperor 
would give it his assent, it was doubtless deemed judicious 
to pursue diplomatic efforts in Spain, in furtherance of the 
Bourbon interests, so that if the Emperor should endeavor 
to secure to himself the entire Spanish dominions, the 
French ascendency in the Spanish Court and among the 
people would be so great that the House of Austria would 
be eventually defeated. 

With curious interest, as throwing a dramatic and pictur- 
esque light upon these scenes of political intrigue, one may 
at this day take a look at some of the despatches of the 
Count d'Harrach to the Emperor, at about the time that 
the former was much disturbed by the intrigues of the 
French Ambassador, and suspected that the Queen was 
being led to give her support to the court of France. 
These despatches let us behind the veritable scenes of the 
intricate diplomacy involved in the settlement of the great 
question of the Succession. 

The disturbed condition of the Count's mind, amid the 
complications of Spanish court intrigue, are thoroughly 
manifested in these despatches, as well as the skilful manner 
in which he was outwitted. One despatch is as follows, 
bearing date from Madrid, 8th July, 1698: " Sire, at last, 
the Queen, who has continued in the opinion she had con- 
ceived, with respect to my deportment towards her, has 
deigned to give me the private audience which I asked of 
her, through her confessor. The audience lasted a long 
time, and she talked frankly with me, as I believe, in tell- 


ing me all that the Countess Berlips had said to my son, 
and of which I informed your Majesty in my last. I 
tried to give her entire satisfaction, in speaking to her, in 
full sincerity ; and her Majesty, as it appears to me, was so 
much pleased that she expressed herself to the effect, that, 
if she had shown me any indifference or coldness, it had no 
personal reference, but resulted from the continual trou- 
ble that she was burthened with daily, and which rendered 
her almost unrecognizable by her own domestics. I, then, 
spoke to her of the Succession, and of the divisions of the 
troops for Spain ; and, thanking her for the care she had 
taken, in order to succeed in those two matters, I thanked 
her, also, for the hope she had given me, through the 
Countess Berlips, that the King had been willing to name 
the Count of Oropesa, as a commissioner to treat with me." 
" I enlarged much upon the justice of your Imperial 
Majesty, and of his august House, on the great confidence 
that your Imperial Majesty had in her affection, and in her 
inclination to make it serviceable, and for the part she had 
taken in securing the Succession for him. This speech 
of mine, that, at another time, might have been out of 
place, was quite t propos in the conjunction in which this 
court is now involved by the intrigues of the Ambassador 
of France and his wife. The statement of the Count 
Oxenstiern, who professes great zeal for the service of your 
Imperial Highness, was the principal reason why I made 
the above discourse to the Queen. That nobleman, who 
has managed to get in with the greater part of the minis- 
ters, and even with the Court, said, in secret, to my son, 
that he had found out through a person in confidential 
relations with the French Ambassador, that they were 
negotiating with the Queen, through the medium of a 
Spanish lady of the highest rank, whose name he could not 
ascertain, in order to secure the succession of the Spanish 
Monarchy in favor of a grandson of the King of France. 
This was to be done by force of the promises that the King 
of France and the Dauphin, his son, had given her to marry 
her with the Dauphin as soon as the Catholic King died ; to 
accord to her the government and the Regency of these 


kingdoms, during the absence of the prince who might be 
named for the succession, and, during his minority, to 
restore RoussiUon to the Crown of Spain ; to conquer the 
kingdom of Portugal, to unite it to that of Castile, and to 
reward worthily and magnificently Father Gabriel, the 
Countess Berlips, and all the servitors of her Majesty that 
she wished to advance." " Although I did not put much 
faith in all this, I confess to have viewed, with no little 
suspicion, the conduct that the Queen manifested, for some 
time, towards my daughter-in-law, and also the Marquise 
d'Harcourt. It is true, that I attribute the indifference of 
demeanor of the Queen, towards my daughter-in-law, to 
the jealousy of the Countess Berlips, because of the great 
friendship and extraordinary complaisance of the Queen 
towards my daughter-in-law. As for the Marquise d'Har- 
court, she possesses certainly the favor of the Queen; and 
she keeps up a very intimate friendship with the Countess 
Berlips. The Queen sent her lately a magnificent present, 
which was carried to her by eight men, in the Queen's 
livery. The Queen caused a rumor to be circulated in the 
Court, that the present consisted of nothing but fresh 
butter and fresh milk, some fans and other female knic- 
knacks ; and that she was obliged to make the Marchioness 
this present, because the Marchioness had made her, the 
Queen, the present of a very handsome wig, that she had 
sent for from Paris, to use in hunting. In spite of this 
explanation, however, all the Court blames such marked 
public demonstrations and insinuates that some mystery is 
concealed therewith. Notwithstanding all this, however, 
the Queen showed to me all the interest she has hitherto 
manifested for the interests of your Imperial Majesty's 
House ; she assured me that the reason why she dissimu- 
lated so strongly with the Count of Oropesa, and that she 
had began to be gracious to the Count de Monterey, was, 
in order to interest them in the cause of the most serene 
Archduke ; and that she would press the king, day and 
night, about it, in order to make him consent to appoint 
the Count of Oropesa a commissioner, to treat with me, 
in the hope that my reasonings would be capable of taking 


him away from the Bavarian party ; that, she the Queen, 
would always be firm in the resolution she had taken to 
cause the Archduke to be declared successor of the 
Monarchy, and that the king desired nothing more earnestly 
than to find favorable opportunity to make a declaration to 
that effect. The apparent sincerity of the Queen and the 
' naiveti' of her expressions made nfe give up the suspi- 
cions I had conceived as regards her conduct, in the matter 
of the Succession ; and I quitted, with the conviction that 
the statement to me by the Count Oxenstiern had not 
been characterized by sincerity, and that my suspicions had 
been groundless. This feeling of satisfaction that I experi- 
enced, however, did not last long ; for, having entered into 
the apartment of the Countess, I found her deportment 
towards me quite different from what it had been, three 
months ago. She said to me, in the most obliging terms 
possible, that she was delighted to have heard from my son 
my innocence (of a plot to shut up the king in a convent) ; 
that she had spoken of it to the Queen ; that her Majesty 
had shown a great desire to listen to my justification, and 
that it was for that purpose that she had so readily con- 
sented to my audience. I told the Countess all that had 
passed in that audience ; and I afterwards prayed her to 
keep the Queen in the good intentions she had shown for 
the most serene Archduke ; and to do that as speedily as 
possible. She answered me thereupon, in such artificial 
phrases and in such a studied manner, that my suspicions 
returned, finding neither that sincerity or good faith that 
I had in the past ; and I began to perceive that the state- 
ments of the Count Oxenstiern ought to give us abundant 
reason to mistrust this lady, and consequently, also the 
Queen. I hope, in a few days, to enlighten myself fur- 
ther in the matter ; and I will try and retain the Admiral, 
the Counts of Oropesa and D'Aguilar, and all the other 
ministers on our side, firm and constant in their good 
intentions towards the most August House. Waiting still 
for the appointment of a commissioner I finish this despatch, 
etc. (Madrid, i8th July, 1698)." 

Finally, wearied by the importunities of the Count Har- 


rach, Charles informed him, although he could not in view 
of the threatening attitude of France make any public dec- 
laration of his wishes, that still the Count might inform the 
Emperor that his inclinations and wishes were for the Im- 
perial House. 

In the mean while, however, both the Queen, her con- 
fessor and the Countess Berlips gave the bewildered Count 
the cold shoulder; and, after rehearsing the manner in 
which they had recently treated him, he winds up a de- 
spatch, dated August 14, 1698, in these words : " All 
these things "taken together give me further occasion of 
mistrust of the sincerity of the Countess Berlips, on whom 
Father Gabriel is entirely dependent ; and that makes me 
also fear that both of them will oblige the king by their 
persuasions and by their artifices, to change his sentiments 
in favor of France." 

The Countess Berlips, now, almost threw off the mask , 
and although she protested, and even swore to the Counts 
of Harrach that she had nothing to do with the French 
Ambassador, and hardly knew him, it was ascertained that 
they had daily conferences, which often lasted from four to 
five hours. 

The Queen, too, gave frequent audiences to the French 
Ambassador, and received from him magnificent and costly 
presents. She also testified great friendship for his wife, 
who was as skilful a diplomatist as her husband ; and poor 
Harrach faithfully wrote to his master of all these things, 
and confessed to him that, even in the minds of disinter- 
ested people, it was evident that the Queen had embraced 
the party of the House of Bourbon, dazzled by the hopes 
of becoming some day Queen of France, after having been 
the Sovereign of Spain. 

The Count also wrote, that the Cardinal Portocarrero 
and the Count of Monterey had gone over to the enemy — 
the former, under the influence of his confidential secretary 
and of a certain Spanish lady for whom the Cardinal had a 
great respect. These two new personages were doubtless 
also tools of the wily French Ambassador. 

All these matters gave such trouble to Count Harrach 


that on September 4, 1698, he wrote this lamentation to 
the Emperor — " In one word, Sire, the state of this court 
and of this ministry promises nothing but the approaching 
destruction of this Monarchy. God grant that this predic- 
tion may be false, and that he will preserve the sacred per- 
son of your Imperial Majesty." 

However, to appease and satisfy the Count, not only one 
but two Commissioners were subsequently appointed by 
the king, to treat with him, on the important subject of his 
mission : but French intrigue was little disturbed by this 
formal diplomacy, and pursued its course — seeking to 
throw obstacles of every kind into the intercourse of the 
Count with the Commissioners ; of all which he made mel- 
ancholy plaint to his Imperial master, and of the fact that 
French vessels were so numerous in the Spanish and Italian 
ports, that they seemed already to have possession of the 
Spanish dominions ! 

While these diplomatic struggles were going on, the King 
was sometimes, apparently, at the point of death, when 
couriers were despatched in hot haste to France. Some- 
times, however, he resumed a condition of such apparent 
health, that a continuance of his life was thought probable, 
and the diplomatists became quite puzzled, as to what was 
to be done next. 

Count Harrach was finally so discouraged at the enthusi- 
astic reception that the French Ambassador received, and 
at the special favors and distinction with which he was com- 
plimented, on the part of the King and Queen, that he de- 
termined to leave the scene of his unsuccessful efforts and 
to abandon the field to his French rival. He left Spain for 
Vienna, in November, 1698, completely defeated in his dip- 
lomatic operations. His son, the Count Louis, still re- 
mained to represent the Emperor , but neither had he the 
force, the spirit of intrigue or the conciliatory manners 
necessary in this field of Spanish diplomacy. 

Harassed by all these intrigues and contentions relative 
to the Succession, and deeming it best, doubtless, for the in- 
terests of his Kingdom, the King, disregarding the claims 
of both France and Austria, determined to make a will in 


favor of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria as his successor to 
the crown , hoping thereby, in a measure, to please all 
parties, and to preserve his Kingdom in its integrity. 

The proposed partition and denationalization of the 
Spanish dominions by the compact of 1698-9, before re- 
cited, and the claims of the House of Austria asserted dur- 
ing his lifetime, particularly excited feelings of irritation in 
the heart of Charles ; and much influenced his decision. 
He saw his kingdom virtually dismembered before his eyes 
— himself treated as moribund — and his people, like sheep, 
to be driven where it might suit their new masters, after 
his demise had given the .signal for the foray. He there- 
fore selected his successor from the House of Bavaria, which 
had given least trouble in the question of the succession, 
and whose claims were quite as strong as those of Austria 
or France. 

This will in favor of the Electoral Prince was made 
towards the end of the year 1698, after consultation by 
Charles with theologians and jurisconsults, as to his human 
and divine obligation, in the matter of disposing of the 
Crown. The choice of the Prince of Bavaria seemed to be 
not unpleasing to either France, England or Holland , and 
the Elector, for his son, agreed on terms with them, as to 
the distribution of the Spanish possessions other than Spain 
and the Indies. The demise of the Prince of Bavaria, how- 
ever, disturbed this arrangement, and renewed the embar- 
rassments of a new choice for the succession. This young 
Prince, aged about seven years, died at Brussels, in Feb- 
ruary, 1699, in a manner that led his father and others to 
suppose that his dissolution was not entirely due to natural 

A rumor was circulated that the House of Austria had 
some hand in bringing about his decease, although this 
seems scarcely credible, the then Emperor being the grand- 
father of the little prince, on whose life then depended the 
fortunes and destinies of all Western Europe. Crimes of 
this terrible character, however, seem to have been no in- 
frequent adjuncts to the intricate diplomacy, even of the 
civilized and Christianized period now being considered. 


The loss of his beloved child, on whom so many hopes 
were hung — the destined head of a great Empire — and the 
apparent founder of a new dynasty, weighed heavily on the 
Elector. His suspicion of treachery was so strong, and 
his opposition to the German Imperial house, in that con- 
nection, became so great, that he subsequently suffered the 
ban of the Empire, from acting in opposition to Germany, 
during the subsequent war of the Succession, and uniting 
his forces with France, in that great struggle. 

The French diplomatists, ready to achieve the first great 
step in defeating Austria, had apparently favored the action 
of the King, in making a will in favor of the Electoral 
Prince; at the same time, putting in a protest, for form's 
sake, in favor of the Dauphin. 


Intrigues Continued. — Machinations of Cardinal Portocarrero. — Incanta- 
tions and Exorcisms to work upon the King. — Despair of Charles. — 
His Personal and Political Feelings opposed. — D'Harcourt's depart- 
ure. — Departure of the Countess Berlips. — The Pope consulted. — Will 
, in favor of the Archduke destroyed. — The new Will made by Charles 
in favor of the Duke of Anjou. — The grief of Charles. — His desire to 
change his Will. — Deliberations of the Grandees. — Decease of 
Charles. — Announcement of the Will at the Spanish Court. — Pleas- 
antry of one of the Grandees. — Mortification of the Ambassador of 
the Emperor. — A wonder in the Heavens. — Its supposed portent. 

After the decease of the Electoral Prince, in February, 
1699, although many and powerful influences were directed 
upon Charles, to cause him to make an expression, by will, 
in fayor of the House of Bourbon, he still hesitated — mainly, 
at first, through the influence of the Queen, but principally, 
through a natural attachment to his German family. 

The king still hesitating, terrible exhortations or rather 
denunciations were employed by Portocarrero and his co- 
adjutors, priests and inquisitors. They presumed to speak 
in the name of Heaven ; claiming that it was a matter that 
concerned the king's soul to make some provision to pre- 
vent the confusion and dismemberment of empire that 
would follow his decease, unless the matter of the succes- 
sion were settled. 

The; king, still vacillating in his views, regarded the sub- 
ject with horror and aversion. In his desire for relief from 
importunity and intrigues, he often quitted the court, and 
went to Toledo for repose. 

As the matter still hung in the balance, Portocarrero, 
the Grand Inquisitor Rocaberti, and their confederates, 
caused it to be rumored that the King had been bewitched 
by the Queen and her party, and that the demon should be 
exorcised. The exorcism was therefore carried out with 



frightful incantations, and all the terrible accessories that 
the Church and Inquisition had at command, mainly with 
the idea of bringing odium on the Queen and her then 
counsellors. A Spanish Dominican, one Froylan Diaz, was 
the chief agent of the Cardinal in carrying on these un- 
seemly operations. He had been placed near the King as 
Confessor in order to influence the mind and conscience of 
the poor monarch, who was too weak to make resistance, 
and allowed the exorcising proceedings to be conducted. 
The fear he experienced threw him into a fit of profound 
depression ; and horror-stricken at the terrible incantations 
of the priests, he considered himself really in the possession 
of a Devil, and became reduced to a wretched condition of 
body and -mind, still wavering, however, in painful uncer- 
tainty and conscientious terror. 

He dreaded the power both of France and of Austria, 
and bemoaned the condition of his unhappy country. He 
saw that, if he directly declared in favor of either contend- 
ing Power, the other would not submit to the decision. 
"What am I to do — if I do not declare positively for the 
Emperor ? " said he, piteously, to his friend and confidant, 
the Admiral, " my inclination and my conscience will accuse 
me of insensibility towards my own House, or of cruel 
wrong to all Christendom ; for I cannot but imagine that 
the opening of this question of my succession, although it 
was thoroughly regulated by the law of exclusion, and by 
the wills of my father and my grandfather, will draw after 
it terrible misfortunes, and a most horrible effusion of Chris- 
tian blood." 

About this time (May, 1 700), the Marquis d'Harcourt took 
his departure from Spain, having by his exertions kept the 
Spanish people very favorably disposed to the French in- 
terests. Before leaving the country, D'Harcourt, contrary 
to all diplomatic usage, caused to be printed and circulated 
among the Spanish people a manifesto, exhibiting the low 
condition of the Spanish State, and urging upon the people 
the advantages that would ensue from a Bourbon rule. 
For his active service in promoting the Bourbon cause in 
Spain, D'Harcourt was rewarded with the title of " Duke." 


The departure of D'Harcourt is supposed by some to have 
been caused by letters of recall from the French Court, 
made at the instigation of the Spanish Ministry, and based 
upon representations made by the Queen, of the French- 
man's efforts to bribe her to desert the Austrian interests. 
She probably had perceived that she was sought to be made 
a tool of by the French Minister, and had come to the con- 
clusion that his grand promises were made merely to delude 
her : — and she seems to have become again active in pro- 
moting the cause of the Emperor; although she continued 
in unpleasant relations with the Austrian Ambassador, who 
placed no confidence in her supposed devotion to the inter- 
ests of the Imperial House. 

Either the French or Austrian Cabal, at about this time, 
caused the removal from Spain of the Countess Berlips, 
who had been active in intriguing at various times, for both 
the Austrian and French interests, and who was now, with 
the Queen, supposed to lean towards Austria, but on whom 
no reliance was placed by Count Harrach. On the return 
journey of this busy intrigante to Germany, it is related, 
that her retinue was composed, in part, of the following per- 
sonages : an eunuch, a dwarf, a doctor, a Capuchin and a 
diplomatic agent. She took, besides, no small amount of 
treasure accumulated during her reign as Queen's favorite : 
a large part of which had come from the Elector of Bavaria 
as a bribe for her influence in favor of the Electoral Prince. 
Public feeling in Spain was much against this lady, as it 
was against all the Austrian place-holders ; and her de- 
parture gave great satisfaction, to all classes. 

The busy Cardinal now, also, caused the removal, as far 
as possible, from the presence of the King, of the Prince of 
Darmstadt, who commanded the troops in and about Mad- 
rid, and also the Admiral of Castile, and one or two others 
who had proclivities for Austria — the King's former con- 
fessor having already been removed. 

The Austrian party had now become much weakened by 
these eiTorts of the Cardinal, who gradually drew closer his 
meshes around the King, and prevented him from signing 


a will that had been prepared by the Austrians, in favor of 
the Archduke. 

His German advisers being all removed or influenced, 
full of trouble and anxiety, in June, 1700, Charles consulted 
the Pope and his Cardinals as regards the respective preten- 
sions of the Houses of Bourbon and Austria to the Succes- 

The response was, that the renunciations of the mother 
and wife of Louis to the throne of Spain had only been 
made to secure the peace of Christendom ; that the Span- 
iards had a right to determine to set aside their compact ; 
and that, if a Bourbon were called to the throne of Spain, 
by resigning his right to the throne of France, every end 
sought for by the renunciations of the two Queens could 
be obtained. 

The Pope and the Italian ecclesiastics, doubtless, had pri- 
vate as well as public reasons for advocating the selection, 
by Charles, of a Bourbon Prince to succeed him. They 
feared a preponderance of Austrian power in Italy ; and 
perhaps their views had been somewhat influenced by 
French diplomacy. Be that as it may, the Sovereign Pon- 
tiff and the majority of the doctors and jurisconsults pro- 
nounced that the renunciation of Maria Theresa was a nul- 
lity, so far as her children's rights were concerned ; and, that 
the King of Spain might lawfully select one of her descend- 
ants to succeed to the Spanish Crown. 

The Council of State was also unanimous with one excep- 
tion for the French interests ; and the then French Ambassa- 
dor, De Blecourt, indefatigable in his efforts to influence the 
nobility in favor of France, now took the broad ground 
that either Spain must be dismembered, under the Treaty 
of Partition, or that a Bourbon must succeed to the throne. 


Although embittered for many reasons against Louis, the 
Spanish Monarch, after long deliberation, actuated very 
much by the counsels of the Papal See, instigated, also, 
materially, by the wishes of his people, and with a strong 


desire for their welfare and for the peace of Europe, allowed 
to be destroyed in his presence the will theretofore prepared 
in favor of the Archduke ; and executed, a new will which 
had been prepared by the Cardinal and Ubilla, the Secre- 
tary of Despatches, in which occurs the following important 
provision, establishing, so far as he could do it, by such an 
instrument, the coveted Succession. " Having remarked, 
agreeably to the result of all the consultations held by our 
ministers of State and of Justice, that the reasons for which 
the Infantas Lady Ann and Lady Maria Theresa, Queens of 
France, my aunt and sister, have renounced the succession 
of these dominions, were only founded on the danger and 
the prejudice which this kingdom would experience if it be- 
came united with that of France ; and having considered 
that the fundamental reason no longer existed, the right of 
succession having devolved upon the nearest relative accord- 
ing to the laws of the kingdom, and that this condition is 
now manifested in the person of the second son of the Dau- 
phin of France — this is the reason, why^ acting upon the 
said laws, that I declare as my successor, if God remove m.e 
without leaving children, the Duke d'Anjou, second son of the 
Dauphin ; and in consequence of this I establish and name him 
to succeed to my kingdoms and estates, without any exception." 

Having exhorted his subjects to concur in his selection, 
Charles further declares it to be his will that, in case, before 
his decease, the Duke of Anjou should either die or become 
King of France, the succession should then devolve on the 
Duke de Berry, the third son of the Dauphin ; and in case 
of his demise or becoming King of France, that the second 
son of the Emperor should succeed ; and, in case of his de- 
cease, the Duke of Savoy, as descendant of a daughter of 
Philip n., and his children. 

After the will was signed and sealed, in presence of the 
Cardinal, the Confessor, and some of the officers of State, 
who were in the secret, Charles burst into tears at the 
thought of having disinherited his family and removed from 
Spain the Hapsburg race that had made it glorious — and 
passing over to the hereditary enemy of Spain a dominion 
that had been, at one time, the most powerful in the world. 


"God is the disposer of kingdoms," cried lie, in his afflic- 
tion ; " they belong only to him." Then, sinking back in 
silent despair he feebly muttered, "I am already nothing." 
Two days after, he abandoned the reins of government to 
Cardinal Portocarrero, and subsequently made a codicil con- 
firming the will. 

Although the contents of the will were carefully kept 
even from the Queen, a courier, on the night that the cod- 
icil was signed, was on his way towards France, and the 
Queen, under various pretexts, was prevented for some days 
from going near the King. 

Portocarrero had caused an assembly to be held of some 
of the Grandees and most influential men in the State 
(Aug., 1700) to deliberate on the great question of the suc- 
cession. The results of their deliberation were to the 
following effect : " That the Spanish Kingdom was now on 
the brink of ruin, and that there was great danger in 
further postponing the nomination of a successor to the 
Crown — that every European Prince was ready to strike at 
Spain, and seize a part of its dominions ; and that the 
antagonism of the various Provinces and districts in the 
kingdom was so great that, on the King's decease, they 
would be in such a state of hostility that civil war would 
ensue. That some one must be selected as successor, who 
would be powerful enough to hold his place, with a heredi- 
tary right so to do. That the House of Bourbon was rich, 
powerful and fortunate ; and that the Duke d'Anjou 
should be selected — he being one who would not succeed to 
the double crown ; and that under such powerful protection 
the ancient glories of Spain would revive." Even the Ad- 
miral of Castile, and others in the Austrian interest, were 
prevailed upon to make no dissent from these conclusions. 
They probably were convinced that further opposition 
was useless. 

The deliberations of this council were also kept secret, 
even from the Queen. It is narrated, that, after the king 
had confirmed the will in favor of French interests, a tem- 
porary restoration to health and the urgent representation 
of the German party had determined Charles to revoke it, 


and make a new disposition in favor of the House of 
Austria ; but, Death, a new agent in these diplomatic 
hopes and fears, appeared upon the scene, and, so far as 
Charles was concerned, closed the great drama of the 

About a month after the making of his will, in Novem- 
ber, 1700, at the age of 42, Charles departed from the tur- 
moil of a royal existence, especially aggravated in his case 
by his physical ailments and by the dissensions between his 
royal kinsmen for the possession of his realms. 

Their bitter enmity, particularly as it foreshadowed evil 
for the peace of his country and of Europe, disturbed his 
last moments, and doubtless accelerated his end. The 
remains of the poor king received a mean interment — the 
procession was meagre and the ceremonies were hurried — 
the finances of the State were low — he had given trouble 
enough — and it was time for him to go ! — On the examina- 
tion of the body for embalmment the heart, it is recorded, 
was found no larger than the egg of a pigeon ! — And so 
passed from history this doleful specimen of Spanish 

It is related that the will of Charles was kept so secret 
that the then Ambassador of the Emperor had not been 
able to discover its contents. He had flattered himseJLf 
that the Archduke would have been named the heir.- "Hd 
had no longer any doubts, when the Grandees, who were 
assembled to hear it read, left the apartment of the Late 
king, and he saw the Duke d'Abrantes approacb^(*^ith 
open arms, to embrace him. The AmbassJtd^lffmmedi- 
ately assured him that he would inform the. Ftx;peror of the 
polite zeal that he had demonstrated towards the Emperor 
— but the Duke rather disconcerted hf^m, in saying, with 
pleasant sarcasm, " I only come to take leave of the House 
of Austria ! " 

The will of Charles, which he thought doubtless, a 
wise one under the circumstances, and one which should 
insure the integrity of his kingdom and the happiness of 
his subjects, was the foundation, in fact, of a terrible and 
prolonged war that extended through nearly all civilized 


Europe and raged with a ferocity and persistence that 
had characterized no war since the Peace of Westphalia. 

At the time of Charles' death an appearance in the 
Heavens caused wonder. The brilliant planet Venus 
shone when in opposition to the sun, although generally 
invisible at such a period. This prodigy, in those times of 
superstition, was considered, by some, a sign and favorable 
augury that the late king had been triumphantly welcomed 
to celestial abodes. Others construed the meteor as an 
omen of terror and of blood ! 


Effect of the Will of Charles II.— The Action of France.— Views of 
Louis. — Feeling in Spain. — Notification by the Junta to Louis. — 
Deliberations in the French Council. — Determination to Accept the 
Will. — The Duke d'Anjou summoned. — Speech of Louis to him 
- and to the Court. — First Action Of the Courts of Holland, England 
and Austria.— Louis' Letter to the States General. — Action of the 
Spanish Provinces. — Preparations for War in France. — Recognition of 
Philip by England.— Letter of William to Heinsius. — Opposition of 
the Emperor. — Menace to England. — Recognition by Louis of the 
Son of James II. as King of England. — Defiance to Holland. — Cir- 
cular Letter of Louis to Europe. — Object of Louis in recognizing the 


Although, as has been before related, the King of 
France had entered into a solemn compact with England 
and Holland for the distribution of the Spanish dominions, 
the decease of the Spanish king, and his expressed will in 
favor of the succession of the whole realm to a Prince of 
the House of Bourbon, determined, in another way, the 
views of the King of France, if they had not been so deter- 
mined, before. 

The prize was too tempting to be avoided by the barren 
words of a treaty; and so, at the risk of another great 
European war, the King of Spain's wishes, as expressed by 
his will, endorsed by those of his subjects, and fortified, 
subsequently, by vote of the Cortes, were deemed para- 
mount to any prior political or moral obligations. 

The plausible pretext was put forward, in answer to con- 
trary views, that a refusal to follow the wishes of the de- 
ceased sovereign and that of his people would certainly 
cause civil dissension and probably an European war. It 
was argued, also, that the fundamental aim of the Partition 
Treaty would, in fact, be carried out by adopting the 


will, inasmuch as the succession, under it, would not cause 
the unification of the crown of Spain with that of either 
Germany or France ; and Spain would remain intact and 
entire ; while, if the terms of the treaty, on the other hand, 
were observed, France and other States would be aggran- 
dized at the expense of Spain. 

Louis, also, doubtless, was convinced that if he did not 
take the succession, Austria would do so ; and, in fact, it 
subsequently appeared, that the Spanish couriers who bore 
the offer of the crown to Louis, for his grandson, in case of 
his refusal, were to tender it to the Archduke Charles. 

It was evident, also, that a feeling in favor of a French 
Prince pervaded all classes in Spain — the Grandees, the 
Cortes, the clergy, those learned in the law, and the lower 
orders seemed impelled by the same sentiment in favor of 
the reign of a new dynasty. 

Authority from on High, also, was not wanting ; for had 
not the Pope written from Rome, in July, 1700, "that the 
laws of Spain and the good of Christendom required that 
Charles should give preference to the House of France " ? 

The Junta, or council of Regency, and the Spanish Secre- 
tary of State, immediately on the King's decease, had noti- 
fied the French Court and expressed their desire to have 
the Duke of Anjou accept the proffered throne ; this great 
news was received by the French Court, then at Fontain- 
bleau, on the 9th of November, 1700. 

Although it is probable that Louis' intentions had been, 
from the outset, fixed for the Bourbon succession, he af- 
fected' to be in doubt, as to whether the offer of the Span- 
ish Crown should be accepted, and went through the form of 
assembling his Council of ministers, in the apartment of 
Madame de Maintenon, for deliberation, before he sent his 
final answer of acceptance to the Junta. Madame de Main- 
tenon was asked her opinion in this as in other important 
affairs, and expressed herself finally in favor of accepting 
the provisions of the will, but was, at first, much opposed 
to that step. The King and his council deliberated upon 
the matter for several days ; and although some members 
of the council were opposed to it, on the i6th of Novem- 


ber, it was officially determined, that France should recog- 
nize the Duke of Anjou as King of Spain ! 

Louis' policy had triumphed. For forty years this suc- 
cession had been the subject of his political intrigues and 
personal ambition — and now, Spain, effete and helpless, 
placed herself under the protection and, indeed, under the 
absolute power of her former inveterate enemy. On the 
matter being determined, the King, with a sense of the 
great importance of the step he was taking, remarked, "I 
am sure that whatever course I adopt many people will con- 
demn me." He, however, did not delay in announcing his 
intentions, and sent for the young Duke of Anjou to come 
to his cabinet. 

He summoned also Philip's two brothers and their father 
the Dauphin (the son of a King and the father of a King — 
and yet no King) ; and, in the presence of the Spanish Am- 
bassador, the Marquis del Castel-dos-Rios, spoke to the 
young man these dignified and eloquent words : " Sir : the 
King of Spain has made you a king — the nobles demand 
you — the people desire you — ^and I give my consent. You 
are going to reign over the greatest monarchy in the world, 
and over a brave people, who have ever been distinguished 
for their honor and loyalty. I recommend you to love them 
and gain their affection, by the mildness of your govern- 
ment, and to render yourself worthy to reign over the mon- 
archy, on the throne of which you ascend." Turning to the 
Spanish Ambassador, he said : " Sir, salute your king." 
The Ambassador, having kneeled and rendered homage to 
his new monarch, the doors were thrown open to the assem- 
bled courtiers, to. whom Louis, holding his grandson by the 
hand, said in the lofty and digniiied style that well became 
him and his royal state — " Gentlemen : behold the King of 
Spain ! — his birth and the will of the late monarch have 
called him to the throne. The whole Spanish nation demand 
him — it is the decree of Heaven ; and I yield to it, with 
pleasure." Again, addressing the new king, he said : " Be 
a good Spaniard, this is your first duty: but remember, 
that you were born a Frenchman, and to maintain the union 


between the two crowns. You will thus render both na- 
tions happy and preserve the peace of Europe." 

To the Courtiers and the Spanish Ambassador Louis thus 
expressed himself : "You will see me give my grandson no 
counsels except those that shall inure to the glory and 
interests of Spain. You will see him at the head of the 
Spaniards defending France — and you will see me at the 
head of Frenchmen, defending Spain." 

Thus the grand cause of the " War of the Spanish Suc- 
cession " was established. 


After the intentions of the King of France as to the 
Spanish throne became manifest, both Holland and Eng- 
land sent urgent representations to him to the effect, that 
they had made the Treaty of Partition with the intention 
that it should be religiously observed, on all sides ; and that 
they learned with surprise, that his Majesty had come to 
resolutions in opposition to the terms of the treaty ; and 
demanded of him that he should adhere to it. 

On the other hand, Austria had made a counter-notifica- 
tion and protested against any action under the treaty. 

In the mean while, the States General, feeling that there 
was war in the air, notified all officers to return to their 
posts, and looked about for allies among the Protestant 
Princes. Louis XIV., having made up his mind as to his 
course of action in the matter, was not the man to hesitate 
in carrying it out : he wasted no time in explanations or 
apologies — a mere diplomatic manifesto declared his will. 

The following letter sent by him to the States General is 
almost sarcastic in its tone, considering the then attitude of 

" Very dear and great friends. Allies and Confederates : 
The tranquillity of Spain is so solidly established, through 
the just disposition that the late King of Spain, our much 
beloved brother, has made of his kingdom and estates, in 
favor of our very dear and much beloved grandson, Philip 
v., now King of Spain, that we do not doubt the part that 


you will take on his accession to the crown. We have 
already communicated to him the good-will that we have 
for you ; and, as we are persuaded that his sentiments will 
be the same, the entire understanding that will henceforth 
exist between our Crown and that of Spain, will give us 
new opportunities of manifesting the interest we take in all 
that relates to you. The Count de Briord, our Ambassador 
Extraordinary, will give you further assurances of this: 
and, in the mean time, we pray that God, my very dear and 
great friends, AlHes and Confederates, will keep you in his 
good and worthy charge. 

" Written at Versailles, the 29th November, 1700. 
" Your good friend, ally and confederate, 

" Louis." 

The States General returned a cold and polite answer to 
the address of the French king ; but did not express them- 
selves definitely as to his action ; stating, merely, that the 
subject would have to be referred to the respective Prov- 
inces: in the end, however, Holland, after deferring the 
matter as long as possible, recognized the accessioa of the 
new King. This recognition was mainly due to the influ- 
ence of the great commercial city of Amsterdam in the 
state councils. That city deprecated an immediate war, for 
which the country was unprepared ; and a dilatory policy 
was deemed advisable, which a formal recognition of Philip 
aided. There was no trouble to be apprehended with 
Spain : the Spaniards were all disposed to favor their new 
King, and thus preserve the entirety of their Kingdom. 

Milan, Naples, Sicily, and all the other Provinces and 
places included in the Treaty of Partition, also prepared to 
maintain themselves as parts of the Spanish Kingdom, and 
manifested their intention of adhesion to the new king. 

In the mean while great preparations were made in 
France, and troops began to take new positions on the 
frontiers ; which gave particular offence to Holland, and 
was the subject of urgent remonstrance. 

All the other powers of Europe seemed apparently to 



concur with the bequest of the King of Spain, and made, 
at first, no change in their friendly relations. 

Even William III. seemed to acquiesce; and actually, 
under pressure of the general sentiment then prevailing in 
England, which preferred the accession of Philip to the 
adoption of the Treaty of Partition, sent a letter of con- 
gratulation to the new king : but his mind was made up for 
war ; and he made active preparations for it ; in which he 
was to a certain extent seconded by his Parliament ; and in 
July, 1701, he sent 10,000 troops and twenty ships to 

William thus wrote to Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary, 
on Nov. 16, 1700, in relation to the acceptance, by 
France, of the Succession. 

" I doubt not but this unheard-of proceeding in France 
will astonish you as much as it did me. I never relied 
much on engagements with France ; but must confess, I 
did not think they would, on this occasion, have broken, in 
the face of the whole world, a solemn treaty before it was 
well accomplished. The motives alleged in their memorial 
to the British minister at Paris are so shameful, that I 
cannot see how they can have the effrontery to produce 
such a paper. We must confess we are dupes : but if one's 
word and faith are not to be kept, it is easy to cheat any 
man. The worst is, it brings us into the greatest embarrass- 
ment, particularly when I consider the state of affairs here : 
for the blindness of the people here is incredible. For 
though this affair is not public, yet it was no sooner said 
that the King of Spain's will was in favor of the Duke of 
Anjou, than it was the general opinion, that it was better 
for England that France should accept the will than fulfil 
the treaty of Partition. I think I ought not to conceal this 
from you, in order that you may be informed of the senti- 
ments here that are contrary to mine. For I am perfectly 
persuaded, if this will be executed, England and the 
Republic are in the greatest danger of being totally lost or 
ruined. I will hope that the Republic understands it thus, 
and will exert her whole force to oppose so great an evil. 
It is the utmost mortification to me, in this important 


affair, that I cannot act with the vigor that is requisite, and 
set a good example ; but the Republic must do it ; and 
T will engage people here, by a prudent conduct, by degrees, 
and without their perceiving it." 

There was no doubt about the sentiments of the House 
of Austria, as to the action of the French King. The 
Emperor, since the promulgation of the will, had maintained 
a threatening attitude, presaging the coming storm ; and see- 
ing that war was imminent and that negotiations would be 
useless, in July, 1701, gave to Villars, the French Ambassa- 
dor, his congi for departure from Vienna ; he had thereto- 
fore, in November, 1700, sent to the Spanish Junta a for- 
mal protest against the will of Charles. Matters with 
England, however, were now precipitated. Louis boldly 
threw a gauntlet to her, by recognizing the son of her 
exiled King, James, as King of England. This was a 
menace which the spirited and warlike William could not 
tamely brook. The recognition of the Pretender was made 
immediately on the decease of James II. ; which occurred 
at St. Germain, in September, 1701, By the Peace of Rys- 
wick William had been acknowledged by France as King 
of England, and this i-ecognition of the son of James, as 
king, was a virtual infraction of that Treaty. 

Louis also irritated Holland into immediate angry oppo- 
sition, by intriguing with the Spanish court for the annexa- 
tion of the Spanish Netherlands to France ; and, finally, 
defied all Europe and tore all previous compacts to the 
winds, when he declared, through letters patent, that his 
grandson, in his due right, was still a presumptive successor to 
the crown of France. This declaration has been considered 
a great political mistake ; and gave a new and grave offence 
to England, Holland and Germany. 

Louis issued, also, a not very plausible circular letter to 
the courts of Europe justifying his action in recognizing 
the Pretender, as James III. ; taking the ground that it was 
a mere honorary title, and that it really marked no hostility 
to England, as he was not going to judge between the re- 
spective rights of William and the Pretender, nor take any 
steps to restore the latter ; but intended, merely, to extend 



to him his protection and shelter, during his exile. He 
claimed that he had not violated the actual terms of the 
Treaty of Ryswick, which were, merely, to the effect, as he 
alleged, that France would not trouble William in the peace- 
able possession of his royal estates ; and that William's con- 
duct in uniting with the enemies of the French, and the 
despatch and preparation of troops and fleets, was a much 
more flagrant violation of the provisions pi the Treaty of 
Ryswick than any recognition of the Pretender. 

That recognition was, doubtless, a stroke of policy, on 
the part of Louis, rather than a blunder or a mere act of 
complimentary hospitality : he was too wise a king to take 
so serious a step without deep design. He saw that war 
was certain, under any circumstances, between France and 
England ; and that, by formally acknowledging the Preten- 
der, as King, he would strengthen the Stuart faction in 
Great Britain, and thereby foment dissensions there, and 
give encouragement to a large party hostile to William, 
who were ready, at any moment, for an outbreak. 


Attitude of the other Powers of Europe against France. — The Electors 
of Cologne and Bavaria. — Action of HoUand.^Louis takes posses- 
sion of the Frontier Towns of the Netherlands, and removes the 
Dutch Troops. — Hesitation of Holland to declare War. — Attitude of 
Savoy. — The Elector of Brandenburg. — The Circles of the Empire. — 
Extract from a Pamphlet of the Time. —The Pope, Venice, Genoa 
and the Italian Princes. 

The ■determination of Louis XIV. to accept the Spanish 
succession for his grandson, under the will of the deceased 
Spanish king, excited a profound sensation in Europe. 

The event seemed fraught with political disturbance and 
presaged evil. 

The courts of the great States deeply revolved the ques- 
tions dependent on the situation, and the unfortunate peo- 
ple of the various countries interested in the question, who 
were to be the actual men to be moved on the chess board 
of international contest, apprehended, with alarm, another 
general and terrible war which, to them, whosoever might 
succeed, would bring nothing but misery and disaster. 

In the mean while, an immediate strengthening of forces 
and marching of troops to their respective frontiers took 
place, on the part of each Power, in anticipation of the 
action of others ; while each doubted what course to take, 
and looked about for allies for the contest that was now 
lowering over Europe. 

Louis immediately sounded the Courts of Europe, seek- 
ing their support ; and opened negotiations with Portugal, 
Savoy, the Duke of Holstein, and several of the minor 
German States. In the mean time, while awaiting the 
course of events, France prepared herself, on all sides — reg- 
iments were filled — fortresses were strengthened — horses 
and munitions of war were supplied, and large bodies of 
troops were concentrated in French Flanders. The Elect- 



ors of Bavaria and of Cologne, who were Uncles of the 
Duke d'Anjou, with little hesitation, ranged themselves 
by the side of France ; although the situation of their 
States made them particularly exposed to the calamities 
and losses of war. 

The Archbishop of Cologne was an Elector of the Em- 
pire, and controlled, besides Cologne and the surrounding 
district, Liege, Miinster and Hildesheim : the towns in his 
dominions were strongly fortified, and as a German poten- 
tate, he could bring into the field an army of 20,000 men. 
The position of his territories also were of important strat- 
egic value, near the borders of the Netherlands, Holland, 
and the North German States, and he commanded, at many 
points, the passage of the Rhine. The Chapter of Cologne 
was indisposed, at first, to take sides. The Elector had 
placed levies of men in the domains of the Chapter, and 
thereby violated certain of its territorial rights. The Chap- 
ter made formal protest ; to which the Elector made reply 
that the protest was impertinent and scandalous, imposed 
a new and onerous tax upon the community, and, con- 
trary to the wishes of the people, admitted French troops 
into certain places in the city of Cologne and also in the 
Citadel of Liege. 

And yet, the Electoral Archbishop claimed, that in case 
of war, he would maintain a strict neutrality — playing at 
first a double part. The Chapter of Cologne was after- 
wards taken under the protection of the Emperor, as 
against its Elector. 

The attitude of Holland was at first not clear: the 
States General giving no assurance of friendship to the 
French minister at their Court, he was promptly recalled 
by Louis. In the letter of recall he states that it was done, 
" Seeing the little result following the conferences you 
have demanded of us, and which you have since so often 
interrupted." The Dutch States made a very polite and 
respectful, although probably a sarcastic answer ; express- 
ing a hope that the French minister would remain so as to 
finish negotiations. 

The French considered this response a ruse to gain time 


to prepare for war ; which was, doubtless, its purpose. 
Louis anticipated the action and discontent of the Dutch, 
and not being able to gain them sought to terrify. His 
troops passed into the Netherlands, orders having been 
give to BoufHers, who was on the watch at Lisle, in French 
Flanders, to remove the Dutch troops who had been sta- 
tioned on the frontier. 

These Dutch troops were in occupation of certain for- 
tresses in Flanders, Hainault and Luxembourg belonging 
to Spain, which were supposed to constitute the " barrier " 
of the Dutch against France. These fortresses were Lux- 
embourg, Namur, Charleroi, Mons, Ath, Nieuport, and 
Oudenarde; and were occupied by the Dutch, in accord- 
ance with the provisions of the Treaty of Ryswick. The 
French, with the concurrence of the Elector of Bavaria, 
who was Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, removed 
these Dutch troops by strategy and misrepresentations, 
and occupied the fortresses. They allowed the Dutch 
forces to withdraw — not being desirous to provoke hostili- 
ties by making them prisoners. This removal of the Dutch 
troops was a matter of great mortification to William. He 
thus wrote to Heinsius in Feb., 1701 : "You can well 
imagine what chagrin this event causes me. For twenty- 
eight years I have worked without cessation, sparing 
neither fame nor perils to preserve this barrier of the Re- 
public: and now all this is lost, in a single day; and with- 
out a blow struck ! " The French then threw up works 
near Antwerp, and occupied a. camp at Bichelles, within 
the jurisdiction of Holland, in order to take possession of 
Maestricht, which the garrison, who had been bribed, was 
to deliver to them. 

Holland, even after the removal of her troops from the 
barrier, although much exasperated, hesitated to take a 
final step, on account of her commercial risks ; but, actu- 
ated by past souvenirs of French aggression, and appre- 
hending new dangers from the Franco-Spanish alliance, 
she finally ranged herself with England and Austria, and 
the Treaty of the " High Alliance," signed at the Hague, 
on 7th September, 1701, resulted. 


The Duke of Savoy inclined to the side of the French 
and Spaniards ; and, for a subsidy, agreed to furnish troops 
for the defence of Milan : a proposition for the marriage 
of his second daughter to the King of Spain, doubtless, 
much influenced his action ; and, toward the close of the 
year, he took the chief command of the French and Span- 
ish troops, in Italy. 

The future action of the powerful Elector of Branden- 
burg, son of the great Elector, was looked forward to with 
much interest. He had recently proclaimed himself as 
King of Prussia. In his proclamation he states, " Since 
Providence has willed that the Duchy of Prussia be raised 
into a kingdom, and that her sovereign, the most serene and 
most powerful Prince Frederic, become its king, this is now 
made known to all, by this Proclamation." 

This proclamation was publicly made throughout Prus- 
sia in January, 1701 : and the promise of the Emperor to 
recognize the new king was a controlling argument deter- 
mining the latter to take sides against France. The Pope, 
Clement XL, made a protest against this act as impious 
and inimical to the Roman Catholic religion, claiming that 
the Holy See had solely the right to create new kingdoms. 
This protest, of course, the Elector derided, and promised 
immediate assistance to the Emperor, on being recognized 
by the latter as King of Prussia. 

The circles of the Empire were for some time in doubt •, 
they inclined, at first, to an armed neutrality. They were 
sought to be influenced in the interests both of France and 
the Emperor ; the Duke of Hanover was promised an Elec- 
torate, and the Prince of Baden was to be made commander 
of the troops to be provided by the German Princes. All 
manner of squibs, pamphlets and circulars were issued at 
this period of doubt ; one of them, in opposition to the 
war, it may be interesting to peruse, as showing the peace 
sentiment existing. 

"Stranger. — 'Ah ! Madame, in what a pitiable state do 
I find you. I expected to see, from afar, the cortege of a 
great queen ; and the nearer I approach, the more do you 
seem to me worthy of compassion.' 


Germany. — ' Friend, whoever you are, you see perhaps 
the commencement of my funeral procession — ■ 

Stranger. — ' But what crime have you committed, to be 
treated so harshly ? ' 

Germany. — 'Ask it of those who treat me so badly.' 

Stranger. — ' My dear sir, tell me, I pray you — you are 
dragging this poor woman by the hair — of what is she 

Courtier. — ' Insolent rascal! — is this the way you speak to 
the August Emperor, Leopold ?' 

Stranger. — 'Pardon — Gentlemen, I am a stranger: I 
never would have known him ; but still, I ask the August 
Emperor Leopold, what has this poor woman done ?' 

Emperor. — ' I want to make her give me Spain and Italy, 
to give Flanders to the Dutch, and the Indies to my friend. 
King William.' 

Germany. — 'Alas ! with all the blood of my body poured 
out, would it answer the injustice of thy demand ? ' 

Emperor. — ' Come, march on. Gentlemen — don't give her 
time for reflection. Let her serve as a buckler for us 
against the arms of our enemies.' 

Germany. — ' Barbarian ! Will you then bathe in my 
blood? Where are your treaties, where are your oaths ? ' " 

The circles of Suabia and Franconia, both bordering on 
France, at first entered into an arrangement for neutrality ; 
and Fi-ance employed all its interest to bring the other 
circles to the same mind. 

As to the other minor States, the Pope wrote letters both 
to the new King of Spain, and to the other Powers ; seek- 
ing to mediate between them : with great astuteness, how- 
ever, he avoided expressing his views or inclinations ; but 
sent, variously, much holy benediction, and wrote to the 
Emperor deprecating the horrors of the impending war, and 
lamenting that his mediation seemed useless ; in the mean 
while, however, he recognized Philip as King of Naples. 

Venice held aloof, in armed neutrality, although the 
Cardinal d'Estr6es had been sent, in the interest of the 
French crown, to engage the Republic to prevent the en- 
trance of the Imperial troops into Italy. 


The Grand Duke, and the Dukes of Modena and Parma 
and other Italian Princes, also assumed a neutral part ; as 
also, Genoa, although they all favored the French. 

The Duke of Mantua, on application of the French min- 
ister, General Tess^, and in order to save aggression by the 
troops of the Empire, opened his gates, and put the French 
troops in occupation of the strongest fortress in Italy, under 
the plea that he was compelled to do so by threats of a 
forcible entry. 

The Spanish and French troops also planted themselves 
in other cities of Italy and awaited attack. 


Attitude of England as to the Succession. — ^William's War Sentiments. 
— Opposition by the Tory Party to the War. — England's Forces in- 
creased. — The Act of the " Protestant Succession " passed. — Effect 
of the Recognition of the Pretender by Louis. — Change of Views 
in England. — William's continued Efforts for War. — Address to 
the Commons, and their Reply. — The Oath of Abjuration. — William 
prepares for War. — Death of William. — Review of William's Career. 
— His Hostility to France. — His Character and Disposition. — His 
Qualities as a Soldier. — His last Words. 


The attitude of England and its probable action, in this 
crisis of affairs, was a subject of deep concern to the Conti- 
nental States. 

The sentiments of KingWilliam were well known, and his 
determined hostility to Louis had never been shaken. His 
life-long opposition to that monarch was not the result of 
prejudice but of principle : he felt himself, in his very hos- 
tility, the champion of peace, and he fought Louis as a pes- 
tilential and baneful man, wielding a dangerous power. 

In England, however, William could not say, as Louis is 
reported to have said in France, " L'^tat c'est moi" and 
move government and people to his will, as mere puppets 
of the crown. 

A Free Parliament could restrain all movements of King 
and Ministers ; and William, a comparative stranger in 
England, found that his only safe policy was to act far 
-within his prerogative, and to quietly influence, rather than 
attempt to lead public opinion. 

He deferred much to the sentiments of the people at 
large, and appeared before them in the rdle of the Defender 
of Protestantism against Papacy, and the Champion of the 
Protestant succession: 



The general principles of the Tory party were in opposi- 
tion to entanglement with foreign affairs. The Revolution 
and the accession of William to the throne, however, had 
placed him and the Whigs, who sustained his policy, in a posi- 
tion that involved England with Continental political issues. 
Whig policy had kept that country, as the Tories alleged, 
in wars that were unnecessary, either for her honor or her 
protection : the Dutch, they claimed, must make or protect 
their own barrier ; and England had no direct concern in 
the matter. 

It was this Tory party that now came to the front ; and 
contrary to the policy and wishes, not only of the Whigs, 
but of the people at large, restricted the action of the Crown 
and Ministers, and sought to influence public opinion tow- 
ards peace. They passed measures, also, disbanding a 
part of the army and cutting down the number to be main- 
tained. Under these measures the Dutch troops in Eng- 
land were removed, much to the discontent of the English 
King. There existed, therefore, a strong and effective party 
opposition against the aggressive foreign policy favored by 
William and the Whigs, to engage England in the impend- 
ing War of the Spanish Succession ; and much bitter and 
hostile feeling was displayed in Parliament. The Tories 
prevailed in the House of Commons, and attacked those 
who had showed zeal in the regulation of Continental af- 
fairs : and manifested a desire to acknowledge the accession 
of Philip, as a substitute for the Treaty of Partition. 

In accordance with William's earnest wishes, however, the 
navy was augmented and put in a state of efificiency, and 
additional troops were sent to Holland. 

Although influencing the chiefs of the Whigs in his favor, 
he could not, with all his efforts, so far influence Parliament 
as to cause it to take any actual hostile attitude towards 
France : the Commons however brought accusations against 
those who had instigated or signed the Treaties of Parti- 
tion ; and both William and the Dutch States, with no good 
grace, as has been above related, finally brought them- 
selves to acknowledge Philip of Anjou as the King of Spain, 
in meaningless words of diplomatic satisfaction. 


The voice of the People, however, was for war ; and peti- 
tions and memorials to that effect poured into Parliament : 
the English people sympathized with their heroic King, who 
had proved, in many a field, his manhood, and fitness to 
govern and protect a warlike nation. 

In order to strengthen the Protestant cause and discour- 
age the hopes of the partisans of the Stuarts, the Act of 
Succession, lo Feb., 1701, was passed, establishing, after 
the death of William and of Anne, the succession in Sophia, 
Electress dowager of Hanover and her descendants, being 
Protestants : the Electress was a granddaughter of James 
I. ; her mother being Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia. 

Although apparently yielding to the wishes of the Eng- 
lish majority in Parliament, the secret design of William 
was for immediate war : he began actively to set about the 
accomplishment of his ardent desire. He prorogued the 
Parliament, which he considered refractory to his views, so 
as to have less opposition at home, and proceeded to Hol- 
land, where had recently arrived 10,000 Irish troops, over 
whom he placed Marlborough in command. 

The war had already been begun in Italy. The Em- 
peror had drawn the sword, and Prince Eugene and Catinat 
were beginning hostilities. While apparently diverting 
himself with hunting at his pleasure Palace at Loo, William 
cautiously watched all the moves of the political chess 
board, and studied out his plans for the impending contest 
with his great adversary. 

To stimulate a hostile feeling in England, William had 
caused a memorial to be sent from the Dutch States setting 
forth their apprehensions as to the designs of the French, 
and claiming the support of Great Britain, according to a 
treaty of alliance with that country, made in 1677, These 
memorials became frequent, and were all supposed to have 
been instigated by William, who continued ceaseless in his 
endeavors to dispose the Commons and the country at 
large towards war, in spite of all opposition. 

While England was still in doubt as to her action, James 
II. died on the i6th Sept., 1701 ; and his son, as has been 


related above, was immediately recognized, by the King of 
France, as James III. of England. 

The day after the decease of James, a herald in his 
official trappings, made his appearance before the Palace 
gate of St. Germain, and to the sound of trumpets formally 
proclaimed in Latin, French and English, the young Pre- 
tender as King James the Third of England, and King 
James the Eighth of Scotland. 

When the news arrived in Holland, that Louis had recog- 
nized the son of the deceased James as King of England, 
William was in that country, and was at table with some 
German Princes. 

The news astounded them — they recognized in the act a 
declaration of war. William did not at first utter a word, 
except to announce the decease of James, but he is said to 
have flushed" with rage, and pulled down his hat over his 
face to conceal the emotion he felt. He sent immediate 
orders to England to drive the French Ambassador, Pous- 
sin, out of the kingdom without delay : the English Am- 
bassador, Lord Manchester, had already quitted Paris, 
without taking the usual diplomatic leave. 

This direct menace was received with an indignant pro- 
test throughout England — it was considered an insult and 
affront to that kingdom, that Louis should dare to dictate 
who should be its ruler — and addresses were sent from all 
parts of the country to the King, of sympathy in his action, 
and of indignation against France. William had now a 
new and powerful pretext for war : in every way he fanned 
the growing flame, but dared not act without Parliament : 
he knew, however, that war was imminent, and returned to 
England to urge his views, after arranging with the Dutch 
a plan for opening hostilities, in the next year. 

On his return to England, William urged on the Whigs 
to prompt action ; — the act of Louis had exasperated even 
the Tories, but had not yet determined them to declare 
positive war. 

William's address to Parliament was couched in strong 
and plain language. A part of it was as follows : 

" The owning and setting up the pretended Prince of 


Wales for King of England, is not only the highest' indig- 
nity offered to me and the Nation, but does so nearly con- 
cern every man who has a regard for the Protestant Relig- 
ion, or the present and future quiet and happiness of his 
country, that I need not press you to lay it seriously to 
heart, and to consider what further effectual means may be 
used for securing the possession of the Crown in the Prot- 
estant line, and extinguishing the hopes of all Pretenders, 
and their open and secret abettors. 

" By the French King's placing his grandson on the 
throne of Spain, he is in a condition to oppress the rest of 
Europe, unless speedy and effectual measures be taken. 
Under this pretence, he is become the real master of the 
whole Spanish monarchy ; he has made it to be entirely 
depending on France, and disposes of it, as of his own 
dominions ; and, by that means, he has surrounded his 
neighbors in such a manner, that, though the name of 
peace may be said to continue, yet they are put to the 
expense and inconvenience of war. It is fit I should tell 
you, the eyes of all England are upon this Parliament ; all 
matters are at a stand, till your resolutions are known ; and 
therefore no time ought to be lost." He thus concludes: 
" I will only add this, if you do, in good earnest, desire to 
see England hold the balance of Europe, and to appear 
indeed at the head of the Protestant interest, it will appear 
by the present opportunity." 

To this address the Commons made speedy reply, that 
they " would support and defend his lawful and rightful title 
to the Crown against the pretended Prince of Wales, and 
all his adherents, and all other of his Majesty's enemies, 
and they would enable his Majesty to show his just resent- 
ment of the affront and indignity offered him and the Na- 
tion by the French King." 

This act of recognition of the Pretender caused the oath 
or creed of abjuration to be enacted, which all members of 
Parliament were obliged to take. 

After an assertion of the right of William to the throne, 
this declaration finished in these words, " And I conscien- 
tiously believe, that the person who during the life of the 


late James II. was called Prince of Wales, and who, since 
his death, pretends to be or who takes the title of King of 
England, under the name of James III., has no right, name 
or title to the crown of this Kingdom, and of its dependen- 
cies ; and I declare, solemnly, that I renounce, refuse, and 
abjure all allegiance or obedience to the said James, etc." 

The recognition of the Pretender was the immediate 
cause of determining England to the war, and Parliament 
voted supplies when the national existence and rights were 
threatened, which they had refused when a mere alliance 
with the House of Austria, to support her claim, was 
apparently William's object. 

Just as his wishes were about to be fulfilled — sanguine 
with the hope of meeting and crushing his arch enemy — with 
ample means, and alliances that promised spccess, William 
III. died in March, 1702, at the early age of 51, — ^his health 
having been impaired by long cares and toil of body and 
mind — and Queen Anne ascended the throne. 

The alliances and preparations for the great struggle, had 
been the result of nearly three years of negotiation, when 
the master mind that promoted them was arrested — and, in 
the dull repose of the grave, now lay, helplessly, the hand 
of him that had long and unweariedly wielded the sword 
against the disturber of the peace of Europe. 


So passed from the arena of European war and politics 
one of the great men of the i6th century. His public ca- 
reer began early. 

It was in 1672, when most of the towns of Holland were 
in the possession of the French forces led on by Turenne 
and the great Cond^, and English and French fleets rav- 
aged, bombarded and blockaded the coasts — while the little 
Dutch army, as yet untrained in war, lay terrified and mo- 
tionless, after successive defeats by French, English and 
German forces — when France dictated terms of peace so 
dishonorable that every Dutch heart spurned them, in dis- 
dain — when dikes were broken, and sluices were opened, 


rather than a surrender should be made of liberties and re- 
ligion — when cattle and crops perished, and the rural people 
fled for their lives to the beleaguered cities, that William, 
then barely 23 years of age, was proclaimed Stadtholder 
and Captain General, and boldly entered upon the great 
trust of defending the honor and liberty of his country. In 
this great contest with France, he displayed a fortitude and 
a patriotism that showed his descent from his illustrious an- 
cestors and stamped him as a hero in history. Steadfastly, 
he subsequently opposed the gigantic power of France; 
and for thirty years was the champion of the liberties of 
Europe — the one man, who successfully checked the arro- 
gant French King, set limits to his ambition, and foiled his 

Opposed, even as a young man, to the vast resources of 
a king who had never known defeat, and to veteran troops 
long accustomed to conquer, and to generals the most re- 
nowned and experienced in Europe, he never shrank from 
the contest. 

Firm and persistent in his hostility to Louis, as in all the 
great actions of his life, no danger intimidated, no disaster 
disheartened him. 

Relentless and inflexible, he moved like a minister of 
fate, against him whom he deemed the scourge of religion 
and humanity — impressed with the impulse of a power 
from on high, and feeling his mission one of holiness as well 
as patriotism. 

William's character has been often analyzed and por- 

In manner he was cold, silent and undemonstrative ; re- 
served and inaccessible even to his friends, his own self-re- 
liance and self-consciousness seemed to require little coun- 
sel, and called for few friendships. And yet, his disposition 
was kindly and humane — and although stern as a king and 
a general, mercy tempered his judgments and his generosity 
often pardoned determined personal enemies. 

His thoughtful and grave countenance indicated a mind 
involved in serious concerns, which had no taste for the 
pleasures of Courts or the pastimes of social life. 


Dispassionate and self-controlled in his actions — grave in 
his demeanor — simple and severe in his tastes — rigid in his 
own rules of conduct, but tolerant towards others — biassed 
by no prejudices — actuated by no caprices, governed by no 
passions and instigated by no ambitious views — he formed 
a strong personal contrast to his great adversary, as he was 
his great rival and counterpoise in European politics. 

In his government of England still unsettled and malcon- 
tent, and jealous of a foreign king — threatened by conspir- 
acies — opposed by powerful factions, harassed by turbulent 
Parliaments — his life attempted by assassins, and his confi- 
dence betrayed by friends, he pursued an undisturbed ca- 
reer ; and with a firm, calm, wisdom guided the great ship 
of State, although wearied and ill of body, and afflicted in 

High-minded and honorable — although a skilled politi- 
cian, and wise in all affairs of State, he never used false or 
indirect means to further his aims, nor appeared other than 
he was. He scorned deceit in public as well as in private 
affairs, and he sought no success except that which open 
action might bring. 

When De Tallard, the French Minister at London, was 
negotiating with William the terms of the first Treaty of 
Partition, in writing to Louis of the progress of negotia- 
tions, he gave, in these words, the strongest testimony of 
the frankness and truth, that marked the dealings of this 
truly great King. "The King of England acts with 
good faith in everything. His way of dealing is upright 
and sincere." And again, "The King of England has 
hitherto acted with great sincerity ; and I venture to say 
that, if he once enters into a treaty he will steadily adhere 
to it." Louis also wrote back to Tallard, "I am, however, 
as confident in the word of the King of England contained 
in the -writing which he has given you, as if the treaty were 
drawn upjin all formality." 

Bishop Burnet, who knew him well, records that William 
scouted at a well formed plan to inveigle on board a ship 
and kidnap James, and then send him to Italy or Spain, 
when the latter was forming his army in Ireland — a plan 


which promised success, and would have brought the war 
to a speedy close. "William, however," Burnet states, 
" who scorned underhand actions, said he would have no 
hand in treachery." 

Unselfish in his aims he always rejected any advantages 
personal to himself, that were offered to promote a public 
result. Early in his career, he contemptuously repelled the 
offers of the French King to give him a principality, on the 
condition of abandoning his command, and betraying his 
trust, as defender of his country, and he refused, always, to 
make peace, no matter at what risk or loss to himself or his 
estate, unless the public interests were to be served. 

He also refused to entertain terms for a peace much de- 
sired, and favorable to Holland, when it involved a deser- 
tion of her allies. 

His courage was of that high order, which shrunk from 
no duty, and feared no peril. In battle he shared the com- 
mon danger like the meanest soldier. Not merely content 
with the direction of the field, sword in hand he fought 
with the daring of a Homeric chief — ever foremost to lead, 
and reluctant to leave the field. 

With an army of not over i4,ocX) men he crossed from 
Holland to England in the midst of tempestuous seas — 
threatened by navies and armies, and, unwelcome to half 
the people of Great Britain, he revolutionized that country, 
and boldly pushed his way to the Crown. 

At Neerwinden, in desperate attempts to rally his flying 
troops, and arrest the progress of the enemy, three times 
was he struck by musket balls, while sword in hand, at the 
head of two of his regiments, he drove seven regiments of 
the enemy before him. 

At the battle of the Boyne, he was struck in the shoulder 
by a cannon ball — one bullet struck the cap of his pistol, 
another carried off the heel of his jackboot, while his horse 
almost sunk with him in the muddy river, as he charged 
through the water, managing his bridle with his wounded 
arm, and led his men, sword in hand, into the thickest of 
that desperate struggle. 

In his campaigns, while seldom successful in the open 


field he was always ready for action, and never hesitated to 
attack ; in the midst of defeat, by his strategy and energy, 
he kept the enemy's forces at bay, disconcerted their plans, 
and deprived them of their advantages — and ever indomit- 
able, gathered new resources after defeat. 

When William was on his death-bed, although his end 
was dignified and resigned, the ruling passion — opposition 
to French aggression, was still strong in his mind : " I am 
fast," said he to his sorrowing friends, " drawing to my 
end. You know that I have never feared death ; there 
have been times when I should have wished it ; but now 
that this great new prospect, (the impending war,) is open- 
ing before me, I do wish to stay here a little longer." 

Stern man of war that he was, two great feelings had 
also prominence in his heart as he died — the one was 
friendship — the other conjugal love. His last request was 
that Bentinck should bend down over his bed, that he 
might whisper his last words of a friendship which had 
endured through life. When his remains were laid out, 
around his arm was found a small black silk ribbon ; it 
contained a gold ring, and a lock of the hair of Mary. 

Opposition to France was provided for: he had appointed 
the Earl of Marlborough to succeed him, as general of the 
forces against France ; a man whose abilities he had dis- 
cerned, and on whom he relied, in spite of the suspicion of 
many treacheries, to carry on the bitter contest. 

Such was the force of his character, that William's prin- 
ciples and policy survived him. His decease made no 
radical change, and his spirit still moved the Alliance of 
the great Powers, long after his physical presence ceased to 
animate their councils and stir their resolves. 

Marlborough, Prince Eugene and Heinsius were imbued 
with his sentiments, and inherited his views. England, 
Germany and Holland were retained in a permanent accord 
by their action ; and their stern will kept up a hostility to 
France, as determined and relentless as that of the master 
hand, whose vital force had been checked, in mid career, 
as he was, for the last time, marshalling his forces for the 


On the decease of William, Louis was well aware of the 
endurance of the English King's principles, as to opposi- 
tion to France. 

He testifies to this, in writing to Marsin, his minister to 
Spain, warning him to be still on his guard, and observing 
to him that he had best disabuse himself of any hopes of 
peace that events might suggest : — that William's maxims 
and ideas were still prevalent and that all his projects were 
still to be encountered ; and, that, it was necessary still to 
counteract them, by endeavoring to persuade England and 
Holland that peace was preferable to a war that would be 
ruinous and without any good result to them. 


The Duke of Anjou departs for Spain. — Farewell to his Relatives. — 
Address to him by Louis. — The appearance and character of Philip. — 
Private Instructions to him from Louis. — Enthusiasm of the Span- 
iards.— Philip declines the Compliment of an Auto-da-fe. — Calamity 
on the entry of Philip into Madrid. — Prognostics of evil. — Banish- 
ment of the late Queen. — State of Spain. 


The young King Philip, then about seventeen years of 
age, had set out, on the 4th December, 1700, for Spain, to 
assume the cares and bear the heavy burdens of the crown, 
which had been so long the subject of bitter contention, 
and which was to be the " apple of discord " for Europe. 

He crossed the Bidassoa, the dividing line between 
France and Spain, on the 22d January, 1701 : and bade an 
affectionate farewell to his two brothers, who had accom- 
panied him to the frontier. He had taken leave of his 
royal grandfather, his father and others of his friends and 
kin at Sceaux, who, with tears, bade him farewell ; and 
then it was, that Louis, in giving his final exhortation that 
he should live in peace and good-fellowship with the French 
princes of the blood, and in hopes of prolonged peace 
between the two kingdoms, uttered the memorable excla- 
mation " Henceforward, there will be no more Pyrenees ! " 

Philip entered Madrid on February 18, 1701, under every 
demonstration of joy. 

All the Provinces, States and Colonies of Spain, in both 
hemispheres, hastened to send expressions of congratula- 
tion and submission to their new sovereign. Louis had 
long since gained over the Viceroy of Naples, and the 
Prince of Vaudemont, Governor of Milan. 

Philip, Duke of Anjou, son of the Dauphin, and now 
King of Spain, as Philip V., had been brought up carefully 


and purely in the midst of the dissolute French court. He 
was docile and gentle by nature, and of strong religious 
feeling. The great feature of his education had been awe 
of his grandfather and an entire devotion to his will. 

He was, naturally, timid, and was deficient in self-reli- 
ance and self-assertion, which his subsequent conduct de- 

To teach him to reign, his grandfather not only gave him 
long written instructions, but placed those about him who 
were able and wise to guide and direct his youthful hand. 

The written instructions of his grandfather to the young 
king were full of good sense, sound judgment, and excel- 
lent morality. Among the maxims or apothegms were the 
following : " Do not fail in any of your duties, especially 
those toward God. Keep yourself in the purity of your 
education, and declare yourself, on all occasions, in favor of 
virtue and against vice. Love your wife and live well with 
her. Ask one from God — one that may suit you. Love 
the Spaniards and all the subjects attached to your crown 
and your person. Do not prefer those who most flatter 
you : but esteem those who, for your good, are not afraid 
of your displeasure ; those will be your true friends. 
Make your subjects happy, and, in that view, enter on no 
war unless you are forced to it, and for which you have 
well considered the reason in your council. Try to restore 
your finances, look well to the Indies, and your fleets and 
your commerce. Live in great accord with France ; noth- 
ing being so good for our two States as this union, which 
nothing can resist^ After many other special exhortations, 
and much advice as to his future policy and conduct, Louis 
recommended Philip to put his full confidence in the Car- 
dinal Portocarrero, and also, in the Duke d'Harcourt, 
who accompanied the young King, and to avoid all inter- 
course with the former Queen, and to watch her conduct ; 
recommending him, also, to be liberal to the Spaniards, and 
not to ridicule their customs, appearance or manners ; and 
he thus concludes : " Never forget your parents, and the 
pain that they have had in parting from you ; and, above 
all, never forget that you are a Frenchman, whatever may 


happen to you." The exhortation closes as follows : " I 
finish by one of the most important counsels I can give 
you — Do not let yourself be governed by anybody — be the 
master. Never have a favorite 7ior a first minister. Con- 
sult your council and obtain its views, but decide for your- 
self. God who has made you a king will give you all the 
lights necessary for you so long as your intentions are up- 
right." At a subsequent time Louis wrote : " Inform me 
frankly of your thoughts and your troubles. I will give you 
my advice with the same sincerity ; but I do not see what 
good it does you, under the fear that you have of ever com- 
ing to a decision. It seems to me that I have, several 
times, written you to overcome such fears. I would be 
glad to hear, some day, that you spoke as if you were mas- 
ter ; and to hear no longer that people had to advise you, 
on even the smallest matters. It is almost better to make 
some slight mistakes, in acting for yourself, than to avoid 
them, by following closely the views of others. You see I 
am very far from reproaching you for having too good an 
opinion of yourself. I assure you I would be content if 
you would truly begin to govern your-kingdom. It will 
require a long reign and great cares to establish order in 
your kingdom, and to insure the fidelity of the different 
people of your dominions — some far removed and accus- 
tomed to obey a dynasty different from your own. If you 
have thought it an easy and agreeable thing to be a king 
you are much mistaken. It will require much wisdom and 
you will require many favors from God to safely control 
these people of different characters, and all difficult to 

Louis kept on advising the young king 4tQm time to 
time, and he was assisted by Frenchmen of experience, that 
had been sent to remain with him, as his counsellors, under 
the great task entrusted to him of governing a large part 
of two continents. 

The announcement of the choice of the Duke of Anjou 
as his successor by Charles, had been received with enthu- 
siasm by the Spaniards. Great apprehension had been at 
first manifested by them, as to whether Louis would accept 


the will, or would prefer to permit his grandson to take only 
a portion of the Spanish dominions, and allow the other 
Powers to take their shares, according to the Treaty of Par- 
tition. The Spaniards dreaded nothing so much as the 
dismemberment of their great empire. 

Philip was therefore received with loud and universal 
demonstrations of joy and respect : triumphal arches were 
erected, and the houses were hung with brilliant draperies 
and banners. For a distance of fifteen miles from Madrid 
the road was covered with carriages and vehicles filled with 
ladies and courtiers richly dressed. He entered the royal 
capital accompanied by the Duke D'Harcourt, the Marquis 
de Louville, and a few other French nobles, and was re- 
ceived by the Junta and Grandees, among the foremost of 
whom was the Cardinal Portocarrero, who • is said to have 
wept with joy at the success of his political design, and who 
looked forward to becoming the Richelieu of the new 

The good qualities and amiable disposition of Philip, 
his pleasing appearance,, his fair face, and grave and digni- 
fied although gracious manners, all served to deepen the 
enthusiasm of the Spaniards for the chivalrous young mon- 
arch, who was to bring them peace and union with France, 
heretofore their great enemy, and who, defying the dan- 
gers in which his acceptance might involve him and exiling 
himself forever from his native country, had come to cast 
his fortunes and his life with them. 

To display their great content, and in his glorification, 
they announced to him, as an extreme and special testi- 
monial, the preparation of an auto-da-fi, to be celebrated 
on the day of his entrance ; the Holy Inquisition having 
hunted up three unfortunate Jews for the fista, who were 
to be burned for the new monarch's entertainment. But the 
king refused to receive this tribute of Spanish loyalty and 
taste ; and his gentleman of the chamber and friend, M. de 
Louville, curtly responded to the invitation, that " Kings 
only looked upon criminals when they pardoned them."* 

* History informs us, however, that during Philip's reign many hun- 
dreds of heretics were burned by the " Holy Inquisition." 


Amid the universal joy two occurrences caused the Span- 
iards, prone to all sorts of superstitious influences, to 
tremble for the prosperity of the new reign. More than 
sixty persons, among them priests, women and children, 
had been crushed, and perished in the crowd that awaited 
the arrival of the king, and witnessed the procession of his 
entrance into Madrid. The king, too, it was remarked, 
had entered Madrid on a Friday, a day full of terror to all 
true believers — and much that was sinister and sad was 

One of the first acts of Philip was against the late Queen. 
Fearing that she might raise up a German party, she was 
compelled to leave the capital, and banished from the 
court, together with her confessor and the confessor of the 
late King. 

The ambition of Portocarrero was at first gratified by 
being in full charge and control of the state and all its 
dignities. In no long time, however, he, as well as the late 
queen, was banished from the court, and they mourned 
together over the results of their treason to the Austrian 

Amid all the glitter and show of the entrance and corona- 
tion there was a dark side. The nation was in a state of 
penury and misery. The navy had disappeared — there was 
only a remnant of an army, estimated at not more than 
20,000 men — the Provinces were without garrisons and 
defence — the magazines without stores or arms.. 

The people, too, were impoverished and discontented, 
and irritated against the ruling classes, by reason of recent 
sufferings through famine. The nobles, too, were disqui- 
eted — and many, for purposes of economy ,'were removed 
from their places. The promise of happiness for the new 
reign was not great, especially in view of the threatening 
attitude of Spain's former allies. 

Philip and the sagacious Frenchmen sent with him, there- 
fore, found it no easy task to establish the new dynasty in 
Spain. The people were in a turbulent condition, the 
grandees complained, the nobles were arrayed against each 
other — demanding each other's disgrace ; and cabals were 


soon forming — some in the interest of the House of Aus- 
tria. The Treasury, too, was empty — for the gold and 
silver from the Indies was purloined by the Jesuits or the 
statesmen — a dull routine reigned everywhere, and Spanish 
prejudices, etiquette, and ceremonies were obstacles to all 
reform, and clogged the administration. In the words of a 
French writer, " Philip found a true oligarchy, composed of 
persons united by pride, divided by ambition, and para- 
lyzed by sloth : " and, it may be added, composed of beg- 
gars, of every description. The place-holders who had been 
discharged, even the cooks and the bevy of dwarfs, without 
which an old Spanish court was never complete, began to 
clamor loudly against the new rule, and one of the leading 
peers was arrested under suspicion of a plot to poison the 
king. The Pope, too, interfered, claiming the return of the 
Grand Inquisitor who had been exiled ; and the Jesuits 
claimed the place of King's confessor with extraordinary 
privileges as partial Secretary of State. 

" Nothing can exceed," wrote the Marquis de Louville, 
to De Torcy, in Feb., 1701, "the affection which this peo- 
ple testify for the King, of whom thpy make a sort of idol, 
and, if that only lasts, we will have nothing to desire. One 
thing, however, troubles me — that is, they have formed 
such extraordinary hopes for this new government, that 
unless God sends one of his angels, it is difficult to fulfil 
them. That a kingdom that is gangrened, from one end to 
the other, should be re-established, in a short time, is a 
vision, or rather a folly ; but it is that of all people who 
always complain under the best government, and, of 
course, more still, under the others." 


Compacts of the Allies and Declarations of War. — Manifesto of the , 
Emperor and Compact with England and Holland of 1701. — Com- 
pact with Prussia. — Influence of Marlborough, and Declaration of 
War, by England. — Forces to be raised by the Allies. — Manifesto 
by Holland. — Formal Declaration of War by the Emperor, and Cir- 
cles of the Empire. — Compacts with other German States. — Declar- 
ation of War by France. — The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne. — 
The War, 1701-1703. — Prince Eugene's success in Italy. — Marl- 
borough's prompt action. — Capture, by him, of Fortresses on the 
Maas. — Vend6me's successes in Italy. — War on the Rhine. — ^Insur- 
rection in the Cevennes. — Holstein, Portugal and Sweden enter the- 
Alliance. — Cession of Spain to the Archduke, and his Manifesto^ — 
Savoy joins the Alliance. — War on the Rhine. 


The war clouds were now rapidly gathering over Europe, 
and the great Powers opposed to France began to take 
concert for alliance. England, Holland and Denmark had 
already, in January,' 1701, in anticipation of trouble, united 
in a defensive compact. The Emperor, who had made a 
formal protest to all Europe against the acts of the French 
King and his grandson, (June, 1701,) had also entered into 
a formal treaty of alliance, in September, 1701, with Eng- 
land and Holland, for the redress of all their grievances 
against France, and to resist any further aggressive action 
on the part of" the French Monarch. 

The Manifesto of the Emperor strongly asserted his right 
to the Spanish Crown. It recites that the will of Charles 
n. was made when he was of feeble mind, and that he was 
forced to sign it by those in the French interest. It recites 
also the renunciations of the French queens, and the com- 
pacts against the union of the two crowns made between 
Spain and France. It thus concludes : 

" Now whatever trickery or violence may have been, thus 



far, carried on, or maybe hereafter, God, who is the author, 
the witness and the preserver of treaties, will assist the just- 
ice of my cause — the Princes and States of Europe, and, 
particularly, the protectors and guarantors of the Peace of 
the Pyrenees and other treaties, will rise to repress this 
immeasurable greed of the House of Bourbon." 

" The People, themselves, who detest the strange hand 
of the foreigner that now oppresses them, remembering the 
kindness of the House of Austria, which they have proved 
through many centuries, and remembering their own duty, 
will soon openly return to their obedience ; and the perfid- 
ious violators and infractors of justice, and their tyrants, 
and all their adherents, satellites and ministers will not, 
most assuredly, escape the divine and human punishment 
that awaits them." 

The Treaty of Alliance, of Sept., 1701, above referred to, 
made between the Emperor of Germany, the King of Eng- 
land and the States General of the United Provinces, states 
that the Emperor declares that the succession to the king- 
doms and provinces of the deceased King (Charles H. of 
Spain) do lawfully belong to his "August house." 

It also recites the seizure of the " Monarchy or inherit- 
ance of Spain by his most Christian majesty, desiring to 
have the said succession for his grandson, the Duke of 
> Anjou, and alleging that it comes to him, of right, by virtue 
of a certain Will of the deceased King of Spain." It also 
declares, that by virtue of this seizure, " there is a great 
probability that his Imperial Majesty can never hope to 
have any satisfaction made for his pretensions ; and will 
lose all his claim to his fiefs in Italy, and the Spanish 
Netherlands ; as also the English and Dutch will lose their 
liberty of commerce and navigation in the Mediterranean, 
the Indies and other countries ; and that the United Prov- 
inces will be deprived of the security they enjoyed by the 
interposition of the Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands 
between them and France, commonly called the Barrier. 
•Lastly, it states that the French and Spaniards will become, 
in a short time, so formidable, that they will easily put all 
Europe under their subjection and dominion. The com- 


pact, thereupon, declares that the Alliance is formed to 
meet a great and common danger, and that if satisfaction 
cannot be obtained for the Emperor and the other parties, 
" within two months, by amicable arrangement, the confed- 
erates are to assist each other with all their forces, to 
recover from the French King the Spanish Low Countries, 
which he had recently seized, as also Milan, Naples, Sicily 
and the lands of Tuscany, that belong to the Spanish do- 
minions, and also all Spanish possessions in the Indies." 

In case war ensues, the Treaty of Alliance further re- 
quires mutual support and communication of plans, and 
that no peace shall be made unless jointly ; and, in no event, 
" Unless care be taken by proper measures, that the king- 
doms of France and Spain shall never come and be united 
under the same government : nor that one and the same per- 
son shall be king of both kingdoms." 

This treaty was signed at the Hague, the 7th of Septem- 
ber, 1701, by the plenipotentiaries or delegates of the three 
confederating parties ; among them was (as he is termed in 
the treaty), "The most noble, most illustrious, and most 
excellent Lord, the Lord John, Earl of Marlborough, Gen- 
eral of the Foot and commander-in-chief of his said Royal 
Majesty's Forces in the Low Countries, his Ambassador 
Extraordinary, Commissary, Procurator and Plenipoten- 
tiary." Anthony Heinsius, " Counsellor and Pensionary of 
the Lords of the States of Holland and West Friezeland," a 
most bitter and persistent foe to France, was also a signer, 
with others, on the part of Holland. 

On March 22, 1702, an additional Article was added to 
the compact of 1701, reciting that, as Louis had recognized 
the son of James II. as Prince of Wales (and King), no 
peace should be made with France until due reparation by 
her for such an atrocious injury. 

The Elector of Brandenburg, Frederick III., had already 
concluded a treaty in November, 1700, by which the Em- 
peror Leopold agreed to recognize him as King of Prussia, 
on condition of his furnishing 10,000 men to the impending 
war. He was crowned King on i8th January, 1701. 

Prussia now came out openly for the allies. In Decern- 


ber, 1701, and January, 1702, a treaty was made by Prussia, 
by which she. was to supply for the war socx) veteran 
troops — Holland and England each to pay one-half of their 

There was no indisposition to withhold aid from the 
Dutch on the part of Queen Anne, but she hesitated to 
make any formal declaration of war. 

Marlborough, however, now generalissimo of the forces 
in Holland, anxious to bring matters to a point, in view of 
the dangers of delay, having arranged military plans with 
the Dutch, employed all his personal influence to decide 
the Queen for open war. Both Marlborough and his wife 
were high in the favor of Anne, and, in fact, directed her 
political conduct. He so used his powers of persuasion, 
being, as we are told, a man of most winning and persuasive 
manners, that the Queen and the majority of the Council 
yielded to his views, and decided to follow the counsels of 
the late King ; consequently, war was formally declared on 
the 4th of May, 1702 ; and Marlborough went again to Hol- 
land as generalissimo, with the additional powers of Ambas- 
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. Forty thousand 
British troops were to be provided to fight the French — 
besides those who were to be sent to contend with the 
Spaniards in Portugal: the Fleet was to consist of 120 men- 
of-war. The Empire and the combined German States were 
to furnish upwards of 120,000 men, and the Dutch were 
to contribute 102,000, including 10,000 Hessians in their 
To raise so large a body of troops and sailors in Great 
Britain as was required for a war so prolonged and desper- 
ate as this one promised to be, was no easy task. The re- 
cruiting officer was busy throughout the land — a great 
sweep of the vagrant, and even many of thejcriminal classes 
was made. Many were compulsorily enlisted — imprisoned 
debtors were allowed to avoid their imprisonment, and 
willingly exchanged gloomy prison walls for the stirring 
life of the camp ; and many a genteel adventurer and 
broken-down man about town was glad to enlist, with a 
view to a changing phase of the jade Fortune ; and gave up 


the jingling of glasses and the rattling of dice for the merry 
music of the fife and drum. 

The Dutch also put forth a manifesto (May 8, 1702), de- 
claring war against France and Spain, and charging Louis 
with having vidlated the Treaty of Ryswick and the Treaty 
of Partition, and that he had made attempts upon the lib- 
erties of the Dutch States, with a view to universal empire. 

The manifesto thus concludes : " Thus all laws, divine 
and human, warrant our action ; and being, in effect, 
blocked up, surrounded and besieged, on all sides, and in- 
sulted and attacked by the Kings of France and Spain, and 
seeing that we are menaced with so many dangers, we find 
ourselves obliged to resort to the means that God and Na- 
ture have put in our hands, for the defence of our subjects 
and the preservation of their religion and liberty — and, in 
consequence, to take up arms against the Kings of France 
and Spain, who have combined to ruin and destroy us, and 
to declare war against them, which we now do — trusting 
that God, the all-powerful, will abundantly bless our just 
cause, and the means we may employ." 

The Emperor also put forth a formal declaration of war 
(15th May, 1702), setting forth among other things the ac- 
tion of Louis, in placing his grandson upon the throne of 
Spain, notwithstanding all contracts of marriage, renunci- 
ations, treaties of peace and present compacts. The Em- 
peror called upon the Princes and States of the Empire to 
join with him. The Estates of the Empire followed the 
act of the Emperor, and on the 28th September published 
their manifesto, declaring among other things, that Louis 
had attacked the liberties of the German States, and sought 
to weaken them with the idea of establishing an universal 

In March, 1702, the mutual treaty for protection had been 
made between five circles of the Empire, viz.: the Circles 
of the upper and lower Rhine, of Austria, of Franconia, 
and of Suabia ; and stipulating to raise certain troops. 

This compact was recognized by Queen Anne (i ith June, 
1702), and the Circles were included in the Alliance. The 
above five, only of the circles of the Empire at first joined 


the Alliance : they were to furnish an army of 44,000 men. 
The other circles, under the active influence of Austria, 
followed, except that of which the Elector of Bavaria was 
chief ; and the consolidated Empire finally declared war 
against France, on the 30th of September, 1702. 

In May, 1702, a convention had been made between 
England and the Elector of Treves, by which the latter 
entered into the Alliance to assist England and Holland, 
they paying him annually 50,000 crowns — he to garrison 
Ehrenbreitstein, Coblentz and Treves. 

Compacts were subsequently entered into by Great 
Britain, with the Elector Palatine, the Bishop of Miinster, 
the Dukes of Brunswick-Luneburg, and of Hanover and 
Zell, and other of the German States, for the supply of 
troops for the war, on certain subsidies being paid by Great 
Britain. Denmark was also to furnish 9000 troops. 

Although the conflict at arms had been actually begun 
in Italy, it was not until July 3, 1702, in defiance of all 
the above manifestos and compacts, that Louis formally 
declared war. He recites the aggressions of the Emperor, 
his compacts with allies and preparations for war, and 
actual hostilities commenced by him. He therefore, as 
usual with all rulers, appeals for Divine protection, and 
formally declares war against the Emperor, England and 
Holland and their Allies. Besides the Electors of Bavaria 
and Cologne, who were disposed to support France, there 
were several of the smaller Princes, including the Dukes 
of Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel, and of Saxe Gotha and the 
Bishop of Munster. The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne 
had made special treaties, Feb. and March, 1701, with 
France, to assist in the impending war, and to prevent the 
passage of the Imperial troops ; and the Elector of Bavaria, 
who was Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, allowed the 
French troops to station themselves in the Spanish Nether- 
lands, as has been above related. 

The Duke of Mantua was in the French interest, and 
kept up a force of 6000 men to repulse the Imperialists in 
case they should invade his dominions. 


Early in the Spring of 1702 camps of observation had 
been established by the allies, one at Nymeguen, one on 
the Rhine, one near Maestricht and another, composed of 
English troops, between Breda and Berg-op-zoom. 

THE WAR, 1 701 TO 1703. 

It is not proposed, in a review of this character, to 
endeavor to give a particular account of the great military 
operations that, for twelve years, engaged the attention of 
Europe, during the great War of the Spanish Succession. 
A brief view of the principal events, in their order, will be 
doubtless deemed sufficient. The Spanish generals and 
governors in Italy and elsewhere in the Spanish domains, 
having acknowledged the authority of the new King, on 
his accession, hostilities with the troops of the Empire 
immediately commenced. The Emperor began the attack, 
claiming Milan as a fief of the Empire. 

Prince Eugene suddenly gathered an army and pene- 
trated into Italy; defeated the French at Carpi, a town in 
the Veronese^ and occupied the territory between the 
Adige and the Adda. He also defeated the French under 
Villeroi, at Chiari. Villeroi had supplanted Catinat as 
Commander-in-chief, and had been peremptorily ordered to 
attack, by the French King, who was exasperated by the 
defeats sustained by Catinat, and desired to maintain the 
prestige of the French arms, and thus strengthen his 
alliance with the Italian princes. 

Marlborough, when he entered on the practical opera- 
tions of the war, although never before in command of 
great armies, showed the French generals that they were 
to have no idle time. 

Directness, method, and activity characterized his first 
movements. He lost no time, but plunged at once into the 
heat of the struggle, and soon Europe was aware that Eng- 
land had, at last, a great General. He was at the head of 
60,000 men which he had concentrated at Nymeguen. The 
enemy, under Boufiflers and Catinat, were about ten miles 
south-eastward, near Gennep : and, although Marlborough 


was somewhat disposed to risk a pitched battle, the Dutch 
Commissioners objected, not wishing the hazard of such a 
step, which might lose Nymeguen, and the Rhine frontier. 

The Earl of Marlborough, however, determining to strike 
rapid and active blows, somewhere, concluded to attack all 
the fortified places on the River Maas. 

On the 26th July, 1702, he crossed the Maas ; and pro- 
ceeding south and along that river, in a few months, took, 
almost in the face of a French army of equal force, Venloo, 
Roermonde, Stevensweert and Liege ; and defied the 
French troops in the field. In the mean while Laudau had 
been taken by the forces of the Empire, in September, 1702. 

These rapid defeats at the hands of Marlborough were 
humiliating to the French King, accustomed almost to 
dictate success. His grandson, the Duke of Burgundy, 
was in nominal command, and victories had been promised, 
to add to the glory of the Royal House. The young 
Duke, however, soon returned to Versailles, without the 
promised laurels. 

Marlborough, now created Duke, after his return from a 
short visit to England, proceeded to take other fortresses 
on the Maas. Huy surrendered, and subsequently Bonn, 
on the Rhine, the residence of the Elector of Cologne. 
Cologne was also taken possession of by the allied forces, 
and its Elector, who sided with France, retired into that 
country, and the affairs of the Electorate were administered 
by the Chapter. The following ^*5ctract from an Address 
by the City of London to Queen Anne shows the feeling 
excited in England by these and subsequent successes. 

" The Banks of the Danube will resound the name of the 
Duke of Marlborough to all centuries — of that Duke who 
by his courage and his conduct has by a vigorous blow 
raised up the tottering Empire, succored Savoy, chastised 
the Elector of Bavaria, and repressed the ambitious schemes 
of the French King. 

" We owe all these things after God to the mighty judg- 
ment which your Majesty has manifested by the wise 
choice you have made of this General." 

The war raged violently, during the years 1702 and 1703. 


The principal theatres were Italy and the Netherlands. In 
Italy, the Duke de Vendome compelled Prince Eugene to 
raise the siege of Mantua and defeated General Visconti, 
near St. Vittoria, and a bloody and indecisive battle was 
fought, at Luzara. So great was the exultation in France 
over these victories of Vend6me, that Louis, by special 
letters to all his Bishops, directed Te Deums to be cel- 
ebrated in all the churches of the Kingdom. 

Marquis de Villars also defeated the Prince of Baden at 
Friedlengen, in Oct., 1702 ; for which victory he received a 
Marshal's baton, and Marquis Tallard took Treves and 
Tarbach, in the Palatinate. 

A great naval victory soon inspirited the allies. The 
English fleet, under Admiral Rooke, on 22d October, en- 
tirely destroyed, off Vigo, in the Galicia, the combined 
French and Spanish fleet. • 

In this year, 1702, the Protestant Insurrection that had 
broken out in the Cevennes, acquired formidable propor- 
tions and spread into the neighboring districts. 

Large armies, headed by Marshals of France, were re- 
quired, before, with terrible slaughter and revolting cruelty, 
it could be brought to an end, which was not until towards 
the close of the year 1704. 

The allies now strengthened themselves by further sup- 
port from Protestant Princes. In the Spring of 1703, a 
convention had been entered into between England, Hol- 
land, and the Duke of Holstein, by which the latter, for a 
specified subsidy, was to furnish 2800 men for the war. 

The Xing of Portugal had at first recognized Philip, and 
in June, 1701, had made a treaty, guaranteeing him the 
Spanish crown, and stipulated to shut his ports to all 
Philip's enemies. Seeing the great naval preparations of 
England and Holland, however, and much influenced by 
the Admiral- of Castile, who had taken refuge in his domin- 
ions, he subsequently thought it for his interest to unite his 
fortunes with the allies, against France, and. entered the' 
alliance by the treaty of Lisbon, made i6th May, 1703, with 
England and Holland ; and also on the same day made a 
treaty of alliance with the Emperor. Sweden also joined 


the alliance, and in August, 1703, a treaty of friendship was 
made between Great Britain, Holland and Sweden, by 
which Charles XII. bound himself, so soon as he might 
make peace with Poland and Russia, to supply 10,000 troops 
to the allies. 

A treaty had been theretofore made (May, 1703) between 
the confederate powers, by which the Archduke Charles 
'was recognized as King of Spain, to the exclusion of the 
elder son, Joseph, the heir apparent. 

On the I2th of September, 1703, a formal cession of the 
Crown and dominions of Spain was made by the Emperor 
Leopold and his eldest son Joseph, to the Archduke Charles 
Leopold. The nomination of the Archduke, as King, fur- 
ther irritated the Spaniards, who rallied enthusiastically 
about their new King, and joyfully took the oath of alle- 
giance that was imposed in the principal cities of the King- 
dom. In the mean while, the Archduke Charles, under the 
name of Charles III., was publishing manifestoes, in Spain, 
as if he were de facto monarch, asserting the validity of his 
own claims, denouncing the ambition and dangerous policy 
of Louis XIV., setting up the renunciations of the two 
Spanish Princesses, wives of Louis XIII. and Louis XIV., 
as bars against the claims of their descendants, questioning 
the validity of the will of Charles II., and protesting against 
the position that he could, by his will, even if valid, change 
the course of succession that had been settled by solemn 
renunciations and treaties. At last the Duke of Savoy, 
fearing an invasion of Austrian troops, and being disap- 
pointed of the payment of his subsidies by France, turned 
his back on Louis, and joined the alliance, 25th Oct., 1703 ; 
leaving some of his troops in the hands of the French, who 
disarmed them. Three years had now passed in forming 
the great combination of all these powers against France. 
Louis' letter to Victor Amadeus, the Duke of Savoy, was 
as follows: 

" Sir : Since religion, honor, interest, our alliance and 
your own signature have gone for nothing, between us two, 
I send you my cousin, the Duke of Vend6me, at the head 

CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1702-1703. 141 

of my armies, to explain my intentions to you. He will 
give you 24 hours to make up your mind. 

" Louis." 

War was formally declared against Savoy, in Dec, 1703. 
Prince Eugene says of the Duke of Savoy, " he was sordid, 
ambitious, deceitful and implacable. He first sided with 
the Emperor in the former war (169S), afterwards with 
France, and then made a truce or treaty of neutrality, after 
having- received subsidies from Germany and Holland 

" His conduct," also says Eugene of him, "reminds me 
of that formerly pursued by the Dukes of Lorraine, as well 
as the Dukes of Bavaria. Their geography prevents them 
from being men of honor." 

In the year 1703 Marshal de Tallard retook Landau, 
defeated the Prince of Hesse Cassel, near Spire, and put 
the allied armies to the rout. The Imperial troops now, in 
turn, invaded Bavaria ; but Marshal Villars, and the Elector 
of Bavaria, having united forces, defeated the Imperial army 
at Schweningen, and the Duke of Burgundy took Brisach, 
(Sept., 1703), for which a special Te Deum, throughout 
France, was celebrated. 

Villars took Tongres, early in May, and Boufflers was 
victorious over the Dutch at Eakern ; while, in Italy, the 
Duke of Vendome and Marshal de Tessd took possession 
of nearly all the Duchy of Savoy. 

Late in the Autumn of the year 1703, however, the allies 
became masters of Limburg and Gueldres. The results of 
the war, in this year, were generally encouraging for France. 


War 1704 and 1705. — The Archduke goes to Spain, with an Army. — His 
Manifesto to the Spaniards.— Taking of Gibraltar by the Eng- 
lish. — War on the Danube.— Battle of Blenheim. — The French and 
Bavarians driven over the Rhine. — Consternation at the French 
Court. — Losses of the French. — Vendome successful in Italy. — 
Siege of Gibraltar. — War in Spain. — The Electors of Bavaria and Co- 
logne put under the Ban of the Empire. — War 1706 to 1708. — The 
Battle of Ranaillies. — All Flanders open to the Allies. — Louis' speech 
to Villeroi. — War in Italy and Spain. — Raising of the Siege of Turin. 
^Triumph of the Archduke in Spain.— He enters Madrid. — Philip 
contemplates leaving the Country. — Battle of Almanza and complete 
defeat of the Allies, by Marshal Berwick. — Philip re-enters Ma- 
drid. — War in Germany and Italy. — The French take Ghent and 
Bruges.— Great Battle of Oudenarde. — The French Retreat. — Tak- 
ing of Lisle. — War in Italy and Spain. — The Pope takes Sides and is 


In the year 1704, in Piedmont, the Duke of Vend6me 
took Vercelli and Ivree ; and, in Spain, the Duke of Ber- 
wick saved the kingdom, by preventing the Portuguese 
army from marching to Madrid. The Archduke Charles, 
having been declared King of Spain, was now sent by the 
Emperor into Portugal, which country was fighting vigor- 
ously on the side of the allies. The Archduke took with 
him 12,000 English and Dutch troops, and Spain now be- 
came a prominent theatre of the war. 

In the Spring of 1704, the Archduke published a mani- 
festo to the Spaniards, claiming that it was for their ad- 
vantage, and for the public good and safety, that he 
should be received by them. He enlarged upon the fact 
that the Bourbon King would be governed by French fa- 
vorites, who would be despotic in their rule ; that the mor- 
als of the French would corrupt the Spanish people, and 
that they would ridicule the gravity and decorum of the 



latter ; that the French were frivolous, quarrelsome and vi- 
olent, and would, to gain their ends, regard neither sex, 
age nor merit : that the Spaniards would also be insulted in 
their religion by the French, who were only half Catholic, 
and little Christian, and that they had derided and insulted 
the Pope — and, above all, that the spirit of philosophic 
Atheism was walking about in France, showing a bold front, 
ridiculing piety and making itself the fashionable belief. 

With many other long and extended reasons, highly elab- 
orated, he concludes : 

" Let us imagine Spain under French rule, morals cor- 
rupted, religion and piety despised, honest people insult- 
ed, the people reduced to misery, the Grandees abased, 
strangers masters of the riches and strength of the country, 
the King governing, like a Turk ; his favorites, soldiers, 
ofKcers and other ministers of his power rigorously exercis- 
ing a rule that Samuel predicted for the children of Israel ; 
dishonoring families, helping themselves to whatever they 
want, and answering complaints by rude mockery or new 
affronts." He, finally, predicts for them the fate of the 
Frenchmen during the Sicilian Vespers, and calls upon " the 
countrymen of the Gonsalvos, Ximenes, Toledos and Pizar- 
ros," to support him. 

About this time, Gibraltar was taken by the Prince of 
Darmstadt and the English fleet under Admiral Rooke. 
Although strongly fortified and supplied with guns, it con- 
tained only a garrison of 100 men — so impregnable was it 
deemed from its position. 

A bombardment from the fleet, of 1500 cannon balls, 
made no impression on the place ; but, on the 2d day of 
the siege, being the festival of a local Saint, the garrison 
and inhabitants deemed it more advantageous to propitiate 
the Saint by prayers and processions, for their defence, than 
to attend to the business themselves. 

A small party of soldiers, thereupon, whose approach was 
undreamed of by the garrison, in a part of the rock deemed 
inaccessible, mounted the cliffs, while a party of sailors, 
landing without opposition on the mole, easily drove the 
Spaniards before them ; and, in a very short time, troops 


coming to their aid, a complete lodgment on the ramparts 
was made. Admiral Rooke, thereupon, took formal posses- 
sion of the place, in the name of the Queen of England — 
and with the English it still remains — the first stone, says a 
Spanish historian, that fell from the vast and ruinous edi- 
fice of the Spanish Monarchy. 

At this time, took place a pitched battle of momentous 
character. The great battle of Blenheim or Hochstadt, re- 
sulting most disastrously for the French, was fought on the 
13th of August, 1704. 

The Duke of Marlborough had boldly determined to 
transfer the theatre of war from Flanders to the Danube. 
This advance movement contemplated leaving fortresses of 
the enemy in the rear ; and was one that eminently dis- 
played the military genius and daring of the great com- 
mander. The plan was to be kept secret ; and to draw at- 
tention from it, a statement was given out that a campaign 
on the Moselle was intended. 

The king of France, too, had determined to carry the war, 
on his part, into the heart of Germany ; and, after having 
overcome all opposition on the Rhine, intended to transfer 
operations to the Danube, and strike terror to the Emperor, 
by capturing Vienna, his capital. He also desired to relieve 
his ally, the Elector of Bavaria, who had been shut off from 
all communication with France, by the skilful disposition of 
the allied forces. 

In prosecution of this plan. Marshal Villars took the 
strong fortress of Kehl, on the German side of the Rhine, 
and, after driving back the Prince of Baden, the French 
marched rapidly to the Lake Constance, where a junction 
with the fdrces of the Elector of Bavaria was made, with 
whom had wintered a large French force, under Marsin. 

The project now was, that an overwhelming French force 
should concentrate at Ulm, on the Danube. 

In the mean while Marlborough, with his motley army of 
English, Dutch, Danes and Germans, concealing his main 
purpose, was marching south along the Rhine, with a design 
to strike his critical blow, by attacking the French armies 
that were forming for the campaign of the Danube, and 


thus protect the Emperor and Vienna, and punish the 
Elector of Bavaria, whose territories would be then ex- 
posed. On the route, Marlborough was joined by Prince 
Eugene and the Margrave of Baden ; but as a new French 
force was approaching, Prince Eugene was sent to keep it 
in check. Marlborough and the Prince of Baden, with 
united forces of about 60,000 men, then advanced, in rapid 
marches, and took, by gallant assault, the fortifications of 
the Schellenberg in Bavaria, and the old town of Donau- 
worth, a critical and commanding position on the Danube. 
The Allies were now masters of the main passages of the 
Danube — and had a strong place as a basis of action. The 
allied leaders thereupon sent troops into the heart of Bava- 
ria, and devastated the country even to the vicinity of Mu- 
nich — burning and destroying as they marched, and taking 
several minor fortresses. Marlborough's forces and those 
of Prince Eugene were distant from each other some forty 
miles, when came the news of the march of a French army 
of 25,000 men under Tallard, to form a junction with the 
others, to succor the Elector, and take revenge for the de- 
feat of the Schellenberg. Two French Marshals, Tallard 
and Marsin, were now in command : their design was to at- 
tack Marlborough and Eugene's armies, in detail. By rapid 
marches, Marlborough crossed the Danube and joined 
Prince Eugene near Donauworth, and thereupon occurred 
one of the most important and decisive contests of modern 
times, fought between the old town of Hochstadt and the 
villa'ge of Blenheim, about fifteen miles south of Donau- 
worth. The skilful tactics of the allied generals precipi- 
tated the battle. 

The allied French and Bavarians numbered 60,000 men 
— the English, Dutch and Germans and other allies, about 
53,000. The allies were allowed to cross an intervening 
brook without opposition, and form their lines. A great 
charge, in full force, of the allies was then made ; they 
broke the enemy's extended line ; and an ensuing charge 
of cavalry scattered his forces right and left, and drove 
many into the Danube. More than fourteen thousand 
French and Bavarians, who had not struck a blow, except 


to defend their position, entrenched and shut up in the 
village of Blenheim, waiting for orders to move, were then 
surrounded by the victorious allies, and compelled to sur- 
render as prisoners of war. 

The scattered remnants of the French and Bavarian 
army either disbanded, or were driven over the Rhine. 
The victory was complete and decisive. The garrison at 
Ulm capitulated, and the Elector fled into France. 

This defeat was most disastrous to France, and caused a 
profound sensation throughout that country. She heard 
with astonishment and alarm that twenty-seven battalions 
of her veteran infantry, and twelve squadrons of dragoons 
had surrendered themselves as prisoners of war, without 
striking a blow in their defence. 

It was indeed true, that, of the best troops of France, 
eleven thousand infantry, and 3400 dragoons, that were 
stationed in the village of Blenheim (or properly Blind- 
heim), had been thus captured. Twenty thousand of the 
French and Bavarians, in all, were taken or wounded — one 
hundred cannon, 24 mortars, 13,600 tents, and 300 flags, 
also remained with the conquerors. The terrible struggle 
cost the allies about 11,000 men, killed and wounded. 

The French, after the battle, could collect only 20,000 
effective men out of the 60,000, who, long accustomed to 
victory, had confidently entered into the great battle. 
They had lost, too, the general of the army, the Marshal 
de Tallard, and over 1200 officers. 

What was worse, the prestige of French troops had de- 
parted. All Germany was abandoned to the Allies; and 
Louis began to feel the first of a series of humiliations that 
Fortune had in store for him. 

After this great victory Marlborough entertained the 
bold project of marching into France, but was checked by 
the strong position that Villars' army had taken to check 
his purpose. 

The news of the great disaster at Blenheim arrived at the 
Court in the midst of rejoicings at the birth of a great 
grandson of Louis. Its effect was appalling: France had 
not been accustomed to misfortunes. Every prominent 


family in the kingdom had a relative slain or wounded. 
Public indignation was aroused against generals and minis- 
ters, and a great disgrace was recognized. All refrained 
from communicating the direful news to the great King. 
At last Madame de Maintenon was deputed to make the 
unwelcome disclosure. 

As a result of the battle, of Blenheim, disastrous to Bava- 
ria as well as to France, the Elector was obliged to leave 
his dominions ; and, subsequently, the Electress, who was 
left as regent, in November, 1704, was obliged to make a 
general capitulation to the Emperor, disbanding the rest of 
her army, and yielding up all the fortresses in Bavaria; 
and the country was divided up into lordships and seign- 
ories. After this battle, the remains of the Elector's army 
had crossed the Rhine, and joined the French ; they were 
followed by the allies, who subsequently besieged and took 
Landau, on the 23d November ; and afterwards Treves. 

In the year 1705, the French were more successful in 
Italy : they took Nice, Mirandola, and other towns : the 
Duke of Vendome, also, on the i6th August, gained the 
battle of Cassano, in the Milanese, over Prince Eugene — 
in which the Imperial army lost over 8000 men, and Prince 
Eugene was diverted from his purpose of reenforcing the 
Duke of Savoy. On the other hand, the Marshal de 
Tesse, who had besieged Gibraltar with a French fleet and 
an army of 8000 men, the importance of which place was 
now becoming evident, was compelled to raise the siege. 
The Portuguese, however, were successful in their opera- 
tions, and took Salvaterra, Valencia, Alcantara and Albu- 
querque. The Archduke, also, with the assistance of the 
English, under the Earl of Peterborough, took possession 
of Barcelona, and established himself there : and after- 
wards occupied nearly all Catalonia and Valencia. 

The Electoral Archbishop of Cologne, and also Maxi- 
milian Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria, were soon after for- 
mally put, by the Emperor Joseph, under the Ban of the 
Empire, on account of the part they had taken in the war. 

After reciting the hostility of these Princes to the Em- 
pire, and their accord with its enemies — they are in terms 


" put under the Ban and after Ban of the Empire," and are 
declared "to be subject to all the pains and penalties it 
involves, deprived of all their states, estates, dignities and 
ofifices ; and their subjects and all persons are to cease giv- 
ing them recognition, aid or support ; and they are put out 
of the peace and protection of the Empire." 

During the rest of the year, the armies in the Nether- 
lands and on the Rhine remained comparatively inactive, 
with the exception of the taking of Huy on the Meuse, 
by the French, and its retaking by Marlborough. The 
Prince of Baden, also, captured Drusensheim, on the lower 
Rhine. Marlborough's action, however, was much re- 
stricted by the timid councils of the Dutch. 

THE WAR, 1706 TO 1708. 

The war, during the years 1706 and 1708, proceeded with 
unceasing activity. The allied army concentrated at Bil- 
sen, north of Liege, and moved in a westerly direction. 
On the 13th May, 1706, took place the battle of Ramillies, 
in Brabant, about twenty-five miles south-east of Brussels, 
in which the allies, under the Duke of Marlborough, com- 
pletely routed the French army of 80,000 men, under the 
Marquis of Villeroi, the engagement lasting less than an 

After this great victory the allies entered into Antwerp 
and Brussels; Ostend and Menin opened their gates. 
Ghent, Bruges, Louvain, Dendermonde and Mechlin sub- 
mitted ; and all Flanders' was lost to the French up to the 
very gates of Lisle, the French army retreating almost to 
the French frontier. 

It is recorded that Marshal Villeroi was so prostrated 
by his defeat, in which the French army lost upwards of 
20,000 men, the flower of their troops, that he did not send 
any despatch to the King, but rested five days, moodily, 
in his tent ; and not until the expiration of that time 
wrote to Louis, confirming the terrible news, which put 
the French Court again into consternation. 

When the Marshal appeared, on his return to Paris, 


before the King, instead of receiving reproaches, Louis 
merely remarked to him, in his usual bland and courteous 
manner, " M. le Mar^chal, one cannot be fortunate at our 
time of life." 

In Italy, the French were, for a time, successful. The 
Duke of Vend6me gained the battle of Calcinato near Man- 
tua, over the German forces ; but he, having been ordered 
to the Netherlands, to endeavor to regain French laurels 
there, the French under Marshal de Marsin were com- 
pelled to raise the siege of Turin, being badly defeated by 
the Imperialists, under Prince Eugene, who had made an 
invasion into Piedmont, and driven back the French into 
Dauphin^. By this disaster, the French lost Modena, Man- 
tua, Milan, Piedmont, and practically, the Kingdom of 
Naples. All the places in Lombardy were also placed in 
the power of the allies. 

In Spain, the French and Spanish had been equally un- 
successful. The King had been forced to raise the siege of 
Barcelona, and had been compelled to take refuge on the 
French frontier ; and Catalonia became open to the Ger- 
man troops. 

The Portuguese made themselves masters of Ciudad-Rod- 
rigo and Albuquerque ; and Carthagena, in the South, and 
Salamanca in the North, in June and July, fell into the 
hands of the Allies. The forces of the Empire and the Port- 
uguese, made triumphant by these victories, penetrated to 
Madrid, on the 6th July, 1706, and there proclaimed the 
Archduke Charles, as King, and the islands of Yvica and 
Majorca sent in their adhesion to him. 

When Charles entered Madrid, among those who came to 
greet him, and who hailed his arrival with joy, were the 
widowed Queen of Charles II. and the veteran diplomatist, 
Cardinal Portocarrero, the hero of the intrigues of 1701. 
Their misfortunes and exile from Court had united them in 
hatred against the Bourbons, whose ingratitude they loudly 
denounced. The Queen put off her mourning and arrayed 
herself in jewelled state, and Portocarrero performed a 
grand Te Deum in his cathedral at Toledo, and went 
through the ceremony of blessing the Austrian standard ; 


concluding the day with a sumptuous banquet and illumi- 
nation at the Episcopal Palace. 

After the great progress made by the party of the Arch- 
duke in Spain, the fortunes of Philip seemed so desperate, 
that it was contemplated, as the proper policy to adopt, 
that he should abandon the crown of Spain, and proceed 
to the Spanish possessions in America, to reign there. The 
court of Versailles had much serious deliberation on the 
project. But the courage and fidelity of the Spaniards, the 
fortitude and energy of the Queen, and, finally, changes in 
the fortunes of the war, caused a different course to be 
adopted ; and Philip, determined to fight out the contest to 
the last, was rewarded, by being able to re-enter Madrid, in 
triumph, three months after leaving it, a fugitive. 

The restoration of Philip to Madrid was mainly due to 
the skilful generalship of Marshal Berwick, the illegitimate 
son of James II., who was one of the ablest commanders in 
the French service. The Duke of Orleans had been ap- 
pointed Generalissimo over the forces in Spain, and arrived 
to taTce command just a day after the great and decisive 
battle of Almanza in New Castile, gained by Berwick, on 
the 25th April, 1707. The French loss in this battle was 
only 2000; of the enemy, 5000 were killed and 10,000 taken 
prisoners ; among them were six Major-Generals. The 
French thereupon drove the Archduke from Madrid ; and 
Philip, at the close of April, 1707, having been re-established 
at his capital, immediately pushed his conquests towards 
Portugal, and also took possession of Murcia, Valencia and 
Aragon, with the exception of a few strong places ; Cartha- 
gena was also taken by Berwick, in November. 

During the year 1707 the French were not so successful 
in Italy. They were compelled to evacuate all Lombardy, 
and were finally driven out of all Naples, by the Austrians, 
under General Dauhn ; on the other hand, the Duke of 
Savoy and Prince Eugene, in August, 1707, failed before 
Toulon, with heavy losses, the place having been besieged, 
by land and sea. Their forces after the failure retired into 

During this year, 1707, in Germany, Marshal Villars, after 


several conflicts, took possession of the Duchy of Wurtem- 
burg, and levied contributions from the Rhine, far inland 
to Nuremberg ; but was subsequently driven back, over the 
Rhine, by the Elector of Hanover. The balance of advan- 
tage this year was in favor of France and Spain. 

In 1708 the greater part of the forces of the belligerents 
were concentrated in Flanders, which thereupon became the 
great theatre of the war, the French having determined to 
move forward over the Flemish frontier and recover the 
great towns taken by the allies during the previous year ; 
while Villars was to oppose the Duke of Savoy, in Pied- 
mont, and the Duke of Orleans, the King's nephew, was to 
command in Spain. The King's grandson, the young Duke 
of Burgundy, in order to inspire the troops with the pres- 
ence of a Prince of the blood, was nominally in command of 
the French army for Flanders, then 100,000 stong, but with 
him, as practically the commander or director, was the Duke 
de Vendome. The army of the allies consisted of about 
80,000 men. 

The French, not daring a battle in the field, so manoeu- 
vred, that, with little trouble, they took, mostly by sur- 
prise, Ghent, Bruges, and other towns in Flanders, which 
controlled important water communications. They then 
prepared to attack Oudenarde, and established a strong 
camp on the Dender, to cover the siege. These successes 
were received with great joy at Court, and gave some relief 
from the depression of previous disasters ; they presaged 
well for the campaign. 

The counsels of the Duke of Burgundy and of the Duke 
of Vendome, however, were far from harmonious : the Duke 
of Burgundy several times acted contrary to the advice and 
wishes of Vendome ; and often nullified his plans by coun- 
ter orders. On the other hand, as alleged by the Duke and 
his friends, the constitutional laziness of Vendome, or pos- 
sibly his disinclination to active operations which might 
bring a success which would redound to the credit of the 
young Duke, is charged to have been the occasion of bring- 
ing about another great disaster to the French arms. The 


ability of Marlborough and Eugene, however, was sufficient 
to account for the result. 

The great battle of Oudenarde was fought on the nth 
July, 1708. 

The French had the advantage in numbers and in posi- 
tion ; and made so long and spirited a defence that the fort- 
unes of the day were, at times, doubtful : but the skill of 
Marlborough, ably assisted by Prince Eugene, and the per- 
sistence and valor of the allied troops, at length drove the 
French from their positions, and coming darkness, envelop- 
ing the contending hosts, allowed the retreat of the French, 
although in great disorder, from the field. The Electoral 
Prince of Hanover, afterwards George II., figured promi- 
nently as a volunteer in this battle, and distinguished him- 
self in charging at the head of a squadron. 

The losses in this great battle, on either side, were about 
equal ; but the French army having retreated during the 
night, and the allies having made many prisoners, there then 
was no real doubt as to the victory. The darkness of the 
night and the weariness of the allied troops prevented pur- 
suit, so as to render the victory more decisive. The re- 
sults, at least, were valuable to the allies. The French 
army having made a disastrous retreat to Ghent, where 
they entrenched themselves, the allies proceeded to besiege 

The cause of the defeat of the French, at Oudenarde, 
was, with abusive denunciation, ascribed by both of the 
French generals to the conduct of the other ; their recrim- 
inations were carried to Versailles, where the Duke of Bur- 
gundy was loud in his complaints of the overweening confi- 
dence and sluggishness of action which marked the conduct 
of Vendome ; in which opinion many French writers have 

In a letter dated July 13, 1708, the Duke of Burgundy 
thus wrote to Madame de Maintenon, with a view that its 
contents should be made known to the King : " You had 
good reason for apprehension, when our affairs were en- 
trusted to the Due de Vend6me; and there is not a dissent- 
ing voice here, on that point. I knew very well that, as to 


his service as general he was a nullity — without foresight, 
without method, without taking pains to inform himself 
about the enemy, which he always affects to despise — but 
I supposed that he was more of a general than I found him 
to be, the day before yesterday." After specifying certain 
features of the battle, wherein Venddme was charged with 
exhibiting ignorance, blindness and stupidity, the Duke of 
Burgundy thus pursues his criticism. " In fine, Madame, 
in the conduct of the war and in battle, he is always the 
same — never a general — and the king makes a great mistake 
as to him. I am not the only one to say this — all the army 
speaks in the same way. He has never had the confidence 
of his officers — he has just lost that of his soldiers. He does 
nothing but eat and sleep : and, in effect, his health does 
not permit him to undergo fatigue, or do what is necessary 
for his position. Add to that the extraordinary confidence 
which he has that the enemy will never do that which he 
does not want them to do — that he never has been beaten, 
and never will be ; which latter remark, he certainly, since 
the day before yesterday, can never make again. Thus you 
can judge of our situation ! " 

Immediately after the battle of Oudenarde, Marlborough 
began the investment of Lisle, the capital of French Flan- 
ders, a place of great strength, fortified by Vauban and the 
key of the country, watered by the Lys and the Scheldt. 
The siege of this important place excited great attention 
and drew to the scene many distinguished military person- 
ages — the Electoral Prince of Hanover, young Saxe, Mun- 
nich, who subsequently, as Russian field marshal, desolated 
the Crimea, Schwerin, subsequently a field marshal of the 
great Frederick, and others, afterwards notable generals, 
then young men, who came to study the art of war, at 
the great siege. The place was invested on the nth of 
August, by Eugene, while Marlborough conducted the 
covering operations, and baffled Vendome and Berwick in 
their efforts at relief. After an obstinate and valorous de- 
fence, in which Boufflers exerted a skill and courage that 
excited admiration, the town surrendered, on the 22d of 
October, and after a further prolonged contest the citadel 


yielded, on the 9th of December. The taking of this great 
fortified town in the face of a vast army of the enemy, which 
by skilful tactics was kept in check, gave great addition to 
the military reputation of Marlborough and of his famous 
brother-in-arms. The allies then marched on Ghent and 
Bruges, which they took possession of, and were gladly wel- 

Thus terminated the extraordinary campaign of 1708, in 
Flanders ; one in which the valor of the contending armies 
and the military science of their great generals had been 
taxed to the utmost. 

The war game in the Netherlands called into action not 
only the tactical skill necessary-to move and handle large 
armies, and to check and counter-check action in the field, 
but the arts of engineering in the conduct of great siege 
operations against fortified towns, the skilful reduction of 
powerful works, and attack and defence, by mine and 
counter mine, which, at the siege of Lisle, were carried on 
with persistent valor and scientific skill, and were attended 
with most destructive results to life. The English also, in 
this year took possession of the Island of Sardinia, and 
also of Port Mahon, in the Island of Minorca, a most im- 
portant station for their fleet, and the best harbor in the 
Mediterranean. During the year 1708, the war in Italy was 
not. remarkable in events. The Duke of Savoy captured 
several strong places in Savoy, and he was invested by the 
Emperor with parts of the Duchies of Montferrat and 

The Pope, having, this year, taken sides with the French, 
the hereditary Prince of Hesse Cassel, at the head of a 
Protestant force, took possession of Bologna, and compelled 
the Pope to recognize the Archduke. 

In Spain the French had some success, but an English 
fleet compelled them to raise the siege of Barcelona, where 
the Archduke was besieged. 


The severe Winter of 1708-9, in France. — Terrible suffering and Fam- 
ine. — Graphic Account of the State of France, by the Due de St. 
Simon. — Indignation of the People. — Insults to the King and Nobil- 
ity. — The patron Saint, St. Genevieve, appealed to. — Sacrifice of 
Plate and Jewels, by the Court. — France worn out by the War. — 
Deliberations in Council. — Despondency of Ministers. — Louis offers 
to withdraw his Grandson from Spain. — Villars' Statement as to the 
dejected Condition of the King. 



In the midst of the drain upon the population and re- 
sources of France, caused by this prolonged war, the 
plague of famine appeared. 

The Winter of 1708-9 was unexampled in its severity, 
and added materially to the embarrassments and misfort- 
unes of France. It seemed as if the very elements con- 
spired against her. 

The Due de St. Simon, an eye-witness, gives a graphic 
account of the effects of this Winter. The frost lasted 
nearly two months, having come suddenly on Twelfth 
Night. "In four days," he states, "the Seine, and all the 
other rivers were frozen ; and, what had never been seen 
before, the sea froze, all along the coasts, so as to bear 
carts even heavily laden upon it. This frost caused the 
complete destruction of all kinds of vegetation. The vio- 
lence of the cold was such that the strongest elixirs and 
the most spirituous liquors broke their bottles in cupboards 
of rooms with fires in them, and surrounded by chimneys. 
The trees and vines died, in great numbers ; the gardens 
perished, and all the grains of the earth. It is impossible 
to imagine the desolation of this general ruin. Everybody 
held tight to his old grain ; the price of bread increased in 
proportion to despair for the next harvest. The distress 


arising from all this was, of course, great ; and extraordi- 
nary edicts were promulgated, and financiers and forestallers 
took occasion, by exaction, to enrich themselves. Commis- 
sioners were appointed, who scoured the provinces and 
arbitrarily fixed the prices of corn, by force ; and kept it 
up, to increase their own profits : all of which contributed 
to increase the general dreariness and poverty." 

" Marechal, the king's surgeon," St. Simon continues, 
" had the courage and the probity to tell all these things to 
the King ; and to state to him the sinister opinions they gave 
rise to, among all classes, even the most enlightened. The 
king appeared touched, was not offended with Marechal, 
but did nothing. * * * Innumerable were the people who 
died, literally, of hunger, and those who perished, after- 
wards, of the maladies caused by extreme misery. The 
payment, by government, of interest on its various indebt- 
edness was also stopped or materially retrenched ; which 
desolated nearly all the families of Paris and many others. 
At the same time, the taxes increased, multiplied and ex- 
acted, with the greatest rigor, completed the devastation 
of France. A great number of people, who, in preceding 
years used to relieve the poor, found themselves so poor as 
to be unable to subsist, without difficulty, and many of 
them received alms in secret. It is impossible to say how 
many others laid siege to the hospitals until then the shame 
and punishment of the poor ; how many ruined hospitals 
revomited forth their inmates to the public charge, that is 
to say, sent them away to die, actually, of hunger : and 
many decent families shut themselves up in garrets to die 
of want." St. Simon winds up his terrible and dramatic 
account, in these words : " Nobody could any longer pay, 
because nobody was paid : the country people, over- 
whelmed with exactions and with valueless property had 
become insolvent ; trade no longer yielded anything ; good 
faith and confidence were at an end. Thus, the King had 
no resources except in terror and in his unlimited power; 
which, boundless as it was, failed also for want of some- 
thing to take and exercise itself upon. There was no more 
circulation — no means of re-establishing it. All was perish- 


ing — step by step— the realm was entirely exhausted ; the 
troops, even, were not paid ; although no one could imagine 
what was done with the millions that came into the King's 
coffers. The unfed soldiers, disheartened, too, at being 
so badly commanded, were always unsuccessful : there was 
no capacity in generals or ministers — no appointment, ex- 
cept by whim or intrigue. Nothing was punished — noth- 
ing examined — there was equal impotence to sustain the 
war and bring about peace — all suffered — yet none dared 
put the hand to this arch, tottering as it was, and ready to 
fall. This was the frightful state to which we were reduced 
when envoys were sent into Holland to try and bring about 
a peace. * * * Meanwhile the money was recoined ; and 
its increase to a third more than its intrinsic value, brought 
some profit to the King, but ruin to private people, and a 
disorder to trade, which completed its annihilation." 

Verily, we may conclude, after reading this account, 
which, St. Simon says, was exact, faithful, and not over- 
charged, the time of Retribution was at hand ! The Nem- 
esis had appeared! 

The effect of all this on the minds of the suffering people 
was terrible ; pamphlets and squibs were issued innumera- 
ble, at the risk even of a death penalty, denouncing the 
ambitious Monarch, his character, his conduct, his morals 
and his government. Placards were placed even upon his 
statues, and on doors of churches and public buildings, 
arraigning the king and government. Cries for " Bread," 
were shouted in the streets, and even under the windows of 
Versailles — ministers, generals, and even the Dauphin were 
mobbed in the streets — the Duke of Burgundy was hooted 
at and threatened, and armed revolts occurred in Paris and 
several of the Provinces. In the mean while St. Genevieve, 
the patron saint of Paris, was brought to the front, to give suc- 
cor, when even direct appeals to Heaven had failed — she, 
that was never called upon except in cases of dire calamity ! 
Her statue was carried, in solemn procession, through the 
streets ; and invocations went up to the Sacred lady to give 
succor to her beloved city. She it was — when king and 
minister and general had ceased to be efficacious, that 


could surely protect the most Christian realm. Even she, 
however, gave no aid. A more practical sacrifice was also 
made at this time of gold and silver plate, jewels and pre- 
cious things by the King and nobility to fill the exhausted 
treasury and keep up the sinews of war. The King, the 
Princes, Madame de Maintenon and some others of the 
great personages having set the fashion, it was followed, of 
course, by all courtiers, although the operation caused no 
little grumbling, and the mint and the royal goldsmiths did 
not show a return of any great account. 

After this terrible winter, in the Spring of 1709, France, 
as it may be supposed, was in a deplorable condition. 

The misfortune of war had dispirited, alike, king and 
people ; and the horrors of famine and the rigors of a Win- 
ter of such extraordinary inclemency had carried death and 
misery to every class ; for even the gentry and many of the 
nobility were suffering from actual want. France seemed 
completely worn out — conscriptions had denuded the coun- 
try of its laborers — the peasantry were dragged unwillingly 
to the war — often in chains — and brigands and outlaws were 
freely enlisted, and paraded before the humiliated King. 

•AH peace negotiations, too, as it will be seen, had failed. 
The allies, and especially the Emperor, were implacable; 
and nothing less than an invasion into France and its en- 
tire subjection seemed probable. 

Such was the condition of France — of that great King- 
dom, whose Monarch, a few years back, had made all the 
sceptres of Europe tremble — her finances ruined — her pub- 
lic credit gone — the land exhausted — the people beggared 
and dying of famine — her armies discouraged by terrible 
defeats — her veteran troops destroyed — her fortresses taken 
— her provinces in revolt — her integrity threatened, and 
her inveterate enemies, the hated English and the long 
despised Dutch, instigated by the " bourgeois " Heinsius, 
were menacing her with utter annihilation.* 

It is stated that, at the Council of State, held at Ver- 

* All this formed a strong contrast with the period of exultation of 
1673, when such verses as the following doggerel illustrated the prevalent 
tone throughout the kingdom : 


sailles, to consider the condition of the nation, the Duke of 
Beauvilliers gave such a touching picture of the state to 
which France was reduced, that the Duke of Burgundy 
and all the Council were in tears. The Chancellor, Pont- 
chartrain, gave, as his advice, to make peace, on any terms 
which might be allowed. The Ministers of War and 
Finance admitted that they were entirely without re- 
sources. "So mournful a scene," says the Marquis de 
Torcy, "would be difficult to describe, even if it were per- 
mitted to reveal the secret of that which was most touch- 
ing — this secret was nothing but that tears ran freely." 

And now, he who had been a dictator to Europe, whose 
glory had been represented as a halo encircling the head of 
a divinity, and who was styled on his medals " the perpet- 
ual conqueror ! " — without ally, and without resources, in 
bemoaning his fate, while reciting his failures, although 
actually begging for peace, exclaimed, with tears in his 
eyes, in open Council, " I am unable now either to make 
war or peace ! " 

Louis, now, seriously thought of withdrawing his troops 
from Spain, and giving up the great struggle to maintain 
his grandson there. The state of France required it. He 
felt that, as the Father and Protector of his own Subjects, 
their interest was paramount — that all France was being 
ruined — and that peace at any cost was a stern necessity. 
In the terms of peace now proffered by France, Louis 
even went so far as to offer subsidies to the allies to aid 
them in removing Philip ; and Prince Eugene had such 
assurance of the power of the allies and the weakness of 
France, as to draw up a plan for the dismemberment of 
the French dominions. 

" II prend, en un jour, Lorraine ; 
La Bourgogne en une semaine ; 
La Hollande en un mois 
S'il fait la guerre, un an. 
Quels seront ses exploits .' " 

A contrast too with 1697, when a medal was struck in France, on 
which was the profile of Louis and the legend " to the perpetual con- 
queror ! " 


Villars says, in his memoirs, that "the king sighed for 
peace — he was now depressed by the maladies of old age, 
and his heart had lost its courage — his ambition had re- 
ceived a blow, and his hopes of glory had vanished. 
France was assailed along its entire frontier, with no other 
ally but Spain, which, instead of being of aid, was a bur- 
then — the navy had been annihilated, in successive defeats. 
Commerce was destroyed by the hostile fleets — the treasury 
was empty, the troops, discouraged and unpaid and badly 
clothed, were dying of hunger — the arsenals were empty, 
and there was a general scarcity of food." 


First Overtures for Peace. — Louis' Efforts in 1705. — Action by the Elector 
of Bavaria, 1706. — Negotiations at Moerdyk and Bodegrave, in 
1709. — Negotiations at the Hague, by the Marquis de Torcy. — Oppo- 
sition to Peace by tlie Dutch. — Preliminary Articles drawn. — Louis 
rejects the Preliminaries and resolves to continue the War. — Louis' 
instructions to De Torcy, as to bribing Marlborough. — Marshal 
Villars' encouraging Letter to De Torcy. — Louis' Letter to Villars, 
and spirited Manifesto to his Subjects. — Philip's Letter to Louis as 
to his Proposed Removal. 


The King of France had, for some time, perceived that 
the contest in which he was engaged was a very serious 
affair, and that, instead of being, as in former days, a war 
of conquest, on his part, against States with various inter- 
ests, the determined spirit and firm accord of the alHes 
was imperilling the very existence of France ; and that if 
he did not make peace soon, he might have to make it 
on terms most humiliating to himself and his country. 

Louis had, indeed, undertaken a task, far beyond the re- 
sources and strength of France. 

During her wars in the previous century, she was com- 
pact, and had only her own frontiers to defend. She acted 
on the aggressive, when and where she chose, and retired 
her forces, at will, safely within her borders. 

Now, she had to defend, besides her own territory, the 
Spanish Peninsula, the possessions of Spain in the Nether- 
lands, in Italy and in the Mediterranean, and to contend in 
the field against the allied powers of England, Germany, 
Holland, Denmark, Savoy, and Portugal ; far, at times, from 
her own territory ; and, moreover, against forces spread 
through a region extending from the North Sea to Sicily 
and Gibraltar. 

War was with him, now, a different game than when 
II 161 


Mons and Namur were taken, in an off-hand way, in 
1692-93 ; when the Monarch in person capered, on his 
docile steed, before the bright array of troops shouting in 
his homage, until the gout made him descend, for repose, 
to his gilded tent. The taking of towns and the slaughter 
of the defenders of their homes was no longer a splendid 
diversion, for an applauding court. 

The gay courtiers, the jewelled women, the dilletant^ 
militaires, the gilded coaches, the cooks, the valets, the 
players and the singers — the Asiatic splendor, and the 
grand Monarch, himself, had all disappeared from the scene, 
under the stern realities of the hour. 

The first approaches to peace were secretly made to Hol- 
land, as early as the year 1705; and intimations were 
given out of a character to raise the apprehension of the 
Dutch, as to the designs of Austria, with a view to detach 
them from the alliance. 

These negotiations were renewed, after the battle of 
Ramillies ;' but Holland placed no confidence in the repre- 
sentations of Louis, whose aim seemed to be, as formerly, 
to disunite the allies, for his own purposes. Special over- 
tures for peace were made subsequently, by the Elector of 
Bavaria, at the instigation of the King of France, which, at 
first, were of a private and secret character ; and were 
viewed with suspicion by the English, who also suspected, 
in them, a ruse to disunite the allies. 

The Elector of Bavaria, seeing these acts misunderstood, 
and, acting for himself as well as for Louis, thereupon pro- 
posed to the Duke of Marlborough and to the Deputies of 
the Dutch States, then in the field, a conference and a 
temporary stoppage of hostilities. The proposal was made 
in October, 1706; but the Dutch States declined to treat, 
except on more distinct proposals, and determined to do 
nothing without the assent of their Allies, nor without 
some action by the English. They also required, as a sine 
qua non, the cession of Spain and the Indies to Austria. 
The English refused to treat in a general conference, un- 
less it were preceded by specific proposals. 

The Pope, too, interested himself, in' endeavoring to 


bring about a Peace ; and Louis was willing to submit to 
his consideration his proposed concessions to Austria and 
Holland, in detail ; in order that his Holiness might duly 
act in the matter. In a missive to the Pope, of February 
15, 1707, the King of France expressed his willingness to 
give- up part of the Spanish dominions to the Archduke, 
and to permanently establish a barrier for Holland. 


Finally, in order to forward a peace, which Louis now 
deemed a necessity, not only foi^the good of his people, but 
for the preservation of his Crown, negotiations were opened 
by him with the Dutch, early in the year 1709, at Moerdyk, 
and subsequently continued at Bodegrave, the object being 
to gain over, at least, one of the parties to the Alliance. 

In these negotiations, England took but little part ; they 
were mainly directed towards Holland. Proposals most 
favorable to that country were made ; with reference, par- 
ticularly, to the barrier, and to commercial advantages, 
which, it was supposed, would incline the Dutch officials, 
always having an eye to trade, to listen favorably to over- 
tures for Peace. 

But the Dutch, with every more favorable proposition, 
became more exacting, and finally made exorbitant claims ; 
and, indeed, showed a disposition not to treat on any 
terms, short of the complete humiliation of France, includ- 
ing the deprivation of the Bourbons of all share in any 
part of the Spanish dominions. Marlborough, at this time, 
was not disinclined to peace on advantageous terms, 
although, it has been generally supposed, that he, as well 
as Prince Eugene, lent all their influence for the continu- 
ance of the war. Perceiving that France was almost at its 
last gasp, they might naturally desire to pursue a war 
which was giving them increased reputation, and which, if 
it were continued to an end that would entirely humiliate 
France, would yield them, not only increased renown but 
perhaps principalities and dominions in the prostrate king- 


Louis, however, although humiliated by the arrogant 
tone of the Dutch and humbled in his pride, as he realized 
the contrast between his relations with them now and what 
they had been in 1672, directed his agents, by despatch, to 
cede Spain and its possessions to the House of Austria, 
reserving only Naples and Sicily, for his grandson ; and 
also to stipulate that James, the Pretender, should be com- 
pelled to quit France. 

Other terms favorable to the Allies were also proffered. 


All these efforts at Peace, however, were abortive ; and 
the Dutch, refusing to come to terms, another effort was 
made'by France, and the Marquis de Torcy, the Minister 
of foreign affairs, on the part of Louis, passed, at no little 
personal risk, through the enemy's country and entered 
into new negotiations at the Hague; hastening action, so 
as to anticipate a new campaign at arms, for which the 
allies were making active preparations. 

The presence of so important a personage as the French 
Minister of foreign affairs, at the Hague, gave these pro- 
posals for peace a new importance and impulse, and mani- 
fested an earnest desire, on the part of Louis, for perma- 
nent Peace, on any terms. 

De Torcy was an experienced diplomatist and a man of 
high position and character, and Louis relied much on his 
intelligence and capacity to extricate France, with honor, 
from her critical position. M. de Torcy's object was, not 
only, at even great sacrifices, to establish preliminaries for 
a Peace, but to endeavor to ascertain the real intentions of 
Holland and the sentiments that actuated the Allies of the 
Emperor, in prolonging the war ; and to discover, if pos- 
sible, how far, at great expenditure of men and money to 
themselves, they were willing to prolong hostilities, appar- 
ently, for the sole benefit of the House of Austria. 

These new negotiations were carried on by M. de Torcy, 
aided by M. Rouill^ (the former French agent), with Hein- 
sius, the Grand Pensionary, and with the two Commis- 


sioners who had been appointed by the States General, to 
treat for Peace, during the previous year. Marlborough 
and Prince Eugene subsequently entered into the confer- 
ences ; but they operated rather in check than in further- 
ance of any definite results. 

The Dutch deputies still insisted on the relinquishment, 
by the King of Spain, of all his dominions, including 
Naples and Sicily, and that the Allies were bound, in 
honor, to obtain for the Archduke the entire Spanish 
dominions, and also the cession of Strasburg and Alsace. 

France, also, was to cede to the Dutch, Cassel, Lisle, 
Maubeuge, Tournai, Cond6, and other places in. French 
Flanders and Hainault. 

Under date of May 14, 1709, M. de Torcy thus wrote to 
Louis from the Hague : " The idea that they have in 
Holland of the condition of our affairs causes singular 
effects ; and those who are suffering from the war, in this 
country, forget their troubles in the hope that they have 
to overwhelm France, which they believe they cannot too 
deeply humiliate, in order to ensure their own repose." 

The conferences being unduly prolonged, and no hope of 
any settlement a.pparent, M. de Torcy offered, on the part 
of Louis, to abandon his claims, even for Naples and Sicily, 
for the King's grandson. 

At last, towards the end of May, 1709, certain prelimi- 
nary articles or propositions were framed ; but De Torcy 
left the Hague, with little idea that the proposals would be 
accepted by his King. It is related, that when De Torcy 
signed these preliminaries, he broke out with the excla- 
mation, " Would Colbert have signed such a treaty for 
France ? " On which, a Minister present, responded, " Col- 
bert himself would have been pleased to have saved France, 
in these circumstances, on such terms." 

By the terms of these Preliminary articles, the Archduke 
Charles was to be recognized, as Charles HL King of Spain 
and its dominions ; and the new monarch, Philip V., was to 
immediately evacuate the country, with his wife and chil- 
dren ; and the monarchy of Spain was to be transferred 
entire to the House of Austria. Within two months, also. 


France was to release and deliver to the Emperor, Stras- 
burg, Brisach, Landau, the Fort of Kehl, and, to a speci- 
fied extent, Alsace, with all stores of war in the above 
naentioned places. To the United Provinces were to be 
ceded, as a barrier, specified towns and strong places in the 
Spanish Netherlands, with all their stores and war material : 
and to England was to be made the concession of an 
acknowledgment of the Protestant succession. 

The propositions contained also a condition, that no 
Prince of the House of France should ever succeed to the 
throne of Spain, or have any part of the Spanish dominions. 
This provision would have excluded, not only all the then 
French Princes of royal blood, but all branches of the 
Bourbon family, however remote. 

This was a new and severe condition, dictated by hatred 
and jealousy on the part of Austria, which thus tried to 
prevent all future alliance and amity between Spain and 
Austria's great rival, France. 

A condition most humiliating to France was also con- 
tained in the preliminaries, to the effect that, in case the 
reigning King and his family did not leave Spain, within 
the period of two months, from the first of June then next, 
the King of France should assist in removing him. In case 
of the removal of the King of Spain, as above, the cessation 
of hostilities was to become permanent and final treaties of 
peace were to be ratified. 

It was also demanded that France was never to become 
possessed of the Spanish Indies, nor send ships there, to 
exercise commerce, under any pretext whatsoever. 

France also was to destroy her fortified places on the 
Rhine ; and the fortifications and harbor of Dunkirk. 

The allies, dazzled and emboldened by their successes, 
while France was seen to be humbled and disheartened, 
demanded that these preliminaries should be accepted, if 
a,t all, during the period of an armistice, of two months, 
from June ist then next — in default of which, hostilities 
were to be renewed. 

Louis saw, in these exacting proposals, an indisposition 
to make peace, on any terms; while they were so devised 


that, through the proposed truce, the allies might have 
time to strengthen themselves in Flanders, and occupy the 
strong towns which tney, doubtless, intended to retain, 
whether peace was concluded or not. 

Without hesitation as to his course, he recalled his agents 
from the Hague, revoked his overtures for peace, and 
Marshal Villars was directed to strengthen and collect his 
army at Douay, which, during the negotiations, he had kept 

The failure to conclude the peace caused much comment 
and discontent both in England and Holland. The pro- 
posals which might have been carried out were most favor- 
able to those countries ; and the enemies of Marlborough 
began to denounce him as a man who preferred the inter- 
ests of the Allies to those of England. 

During his negotiations at the Hague, De Torcy had 
many colloquies with Marlborough and Prince Eugene, 
who, he plainly saw, were the great impediments in his 
way towards peace. The former, in a general way, had 
indicated a disposition to make terms, and treated the 
French Ambassador with great politeness and affability. 
His efforts in a direction contrary to peace, had been so 
manifest, however, and his influence was considered so 
desirable that (from a supposition of his fondness for 
money) efforts to bribe him, in favor of peace, were made 
by directions of the French Court. " I do not doubt," 
writes Louis, in a despatch to De Torcy, in May, 1709, 
" but that you will profit of all occasions that you will have 
to see the Duke of Marlborough, in order to let him under- 
stand that I have been informed of the steps he has taken 
in order to prevent the progress of the conferences for 
peace, and even to break them up ; that I have been the 
more surprised in that I had reason to believe, after the 
assurances he had given me, that he wished to contribute to it, 
and I would have been glad if he had acquired the reward 
that I promised him by his conduct in that regard. And, in 
order to put you in a condition to explain this matter, more 
clearly, to him, I will now give you my express direction, 
that I will remit him two millions of livres, if he can con- 


tribute, by his efforts, to obtain for me, one of the follow- 
ing conditions, viz. : The reservation of Naples and Sicily 
for the king, my grandson ; or, at least, the reservation of 
Naples, at all cost. I will make him the same gratification 
for Dunkirk retained under my power, with its fort and 
fortifications ; without the reservation of Naples and Sicily. 
The same gratification for the simple preservatipn of Stras- 
burg, the fort of Kehl excepted, which I will restore to 
the Empire, in the condition it was in when I conquered 
it, and this, without the reservation of either Naples or 
Sicily. But of all these different plans, the reservation of 
Naples is what I prefer. I will consent to raise this gratifi- 
cation to 3,000,000, if he will contribute to the reservation 
of Naples, and preserve for me Dunkirk and its fortifications 
and port. If I were obliged to yield, on the article of Dun- 
kirk, I would give him the above sum if he can procure the 
reservation of Naples and the preservation of Strasburg, 
in the manner I have explained ; and Landau with its forts 
in exchange for Brisach. Or, again, if he can procure for 
me Strasburg and Dunkirk in their present state. If you 
cannot do better, I am willing that you offer the Duke of 
Marlborough as high as 4,000,000, if he will bring about the 
obtaining of Naples and Sicily, for the king, my gran4'bn, ' 
and the retention of Dunkirk, its fortifications a^xi'^port./ 
and Strasburg and Landau in the manner 7 iiav%^ -ex- 
plained ; or indeed, the same sum, even if Sfi*Jy iwer^ ex- 
cepted from this Article ! " These attemptir.W influence 
the Duke of Marlborough were evidently without success ; 
and so far as has been ascertained, were without the slight- 
est effect. Perhaps History, might, with plausibility, 
although she might not with justice, gauge the character, 
or at least measure the then reputation of the Duke, by 
the fact of this great effort to bribe him being made. It 
was an attack upon his character and honor of the most 
flagrant description, and one which he does not appear to 
have resented. It was, at any rate, exposing the weakness 
of France in a remarkable degree : — a deduction which 
would be apparent to a mind much less astute than that of 
Marlborough, and one, probably, which was of service to 


him in his future operations. No attack of a similar kind>^ 
seems to have been made on Heinsius, whose antecedents 
did not expose him to such approaches, and whose hostility 
to France was even more bitter and persistent than that of 

To give some confidence to M. de Torcy, in his negotia- 
tions, and to counteract the impressions sought to be made 
by the. allies as to their power to dictate terms. Marshal 
Villars wrote to De Torcy, during the negotiations, a letter 
somewhat encouraging , an extract of which is as follows : 
" I learn that our enemies are very confident, on the false 
opinion that the armies of the king are not in condition to 
enter into a campaign. I think it my duty to write you 
the exact truth ; and I make no scruple in telling you that 
the ranks are more complete than they have ever yet 
been. You will be told perhaps that this is the good effect 
of a bad cause, and that the recruits are only numerous, 
through the misery of the provinces. I will not go into 
details about that, but, the fact is, that our ranks are very 
full, and our soldiers have a great desire to show the enemy 
that they are in good heart for fighting, under fair condi- 
tions. If success has not followed our efforts, in the last 
campaigns, I attribute much of it to the Aides-de-Camp, 
who did not properly distribute the orders of commanders. 
* * * As to grain, enough has been found in the Provinces, 
for our supply. * * * I assure you, very sincerely, that 
whenever I review our troops^ then I ardently desire that 
they may again meet the enemy. When I think of our 
French people, I can well understand that they long for 
peace — but the glory and the interests of the nation will 
be sure to arrive at it, by and by, and a better one than is 
now offered." 

This was rather a roseate view ; for the troops then were 
half starved. 

In June, 1709, Louis thus wrote to the Marquis de Vil- 
lars, so that he might no longer remain inactive : " You 
were right in supposing that it would be impossible for me 
to accept conditions which would only give a suspension of 
arms for two months, and which would put me in the neces- 


sity to join myself to my enemies, in order to dethrone the 
King of Spain ; or to recommence the war with them, after 
having put them in possession of the strongest places on the 
frontier, and which they would have .difificulty in taking, if 
I could find means to feed and pay my own troops. I have 
instructed M. Rouill6 to declare that I will not accept the 
propositions that have been made, and that I revoke all 
the offers that the Marquis de Torcy may have made, in 
my behalf." 

The King of France therefore, with much spirit, disdain- 
fully refused to accede to the terms offered by the Allies, 
involving as they did not only a concession of all he had 
gained by the war, not only the loss of all his political and 
military advantages for the last forty years, but the driv- 
ing of his grandson from a monarchy, where he was reign- 
ing, not only by a legitimate right, but by the consent of 
the people. 

Louis, accordingly, made renewed efforts for the contin- 
uance of the war ; and issued a spirited and dignified mani- 
festo to the French people,' giving his reasons for refusing 
peace, rehearsing the odious exactions of his enemies, and 
appealing to his subjects to assist him, in saving the honor 
of France, and calling them to battle for the very existence 
of the kingdom. 

In this circular manifesto Louis thus, in part, addresses 
his subjects : " The more I have testified my willingness 
to remove the alleged apprehensions of my enemies, as to 
my designs, and the extension of my power, the more do 
they add to their pretensions, so that, through adding, by 
degrees, new demands to their original ones, and making 
use of the name of the Duke of Savoy, or of the interests 
of the Princes of the Empire, they have led me to under- 
stand that their intention was only to gain strength for 
themselves in the States bordering my dominions, at the 
expense of my Crown ; and to open, for themselves, an easy 
path to penetrate into the interior of my kingdom at any 
time it might suit their interests to undertake a new war. 
But, although my tenderness for my people is not less 
strong than that which I have for my children ; although I 


share in all the evil that the war inflicts on such faithful 
subjects, and that I have shown all Europe that I sincerely 
desired them to enjoy peace, I am persuaded that they 
would oppose themselves to conditions so contrary to jus- 
tice and the honor of Frenchmen." 

This address had a great effect in arousing the French to 
new sacrifices and exertions. Still feeling, however, that 
efforts for peace, in justice to his subjects, should not cease, 
exertions towards such a result were still kept up, by the 


The principal point of objection to the former prelimi- 
naries was that the evacuation and cession of the Spanish 
dominions should take effect within two months, or that 
the treaty should be not carried out. 

This Louis looked upon as an impossible condition for 
him to undertake, particularly, as the Spaniards and their 
king were valiantly fighting to sustain themselves, and the 
young king absolutely refused to yield his dominions. 

Philip V. had indignantly scouted the propositions of the 
Allies, and proclaimed that he would never leave Spain, 

When the matter of his removal had been first agitated 
he had written as follows to his grandfather. This letter 
was dated on November 5, 1708 : "I was astounded with 
what you write to M. Amelot, (the French minister,) of the 
chimerical and insolent pretensions of the English and Hol- 
landers, as preliminaries of peace. Such terms are unheard 
of, and I cannot even think that you can listen to them ; 
you, who by your actions, have made yourself the most 
glorious King in the world ! But, I feel outraged that any 
one could imagine that I can be obliged to leave Spain, 
while I have a drop of blood in my veins. The blood that 
runs there is not capable of sustaining such an affront. I 
will make every effort to maintain myself on a throne 
where God has placed me, and where, after Him', you have 
placed me ; and nothing can drag me from it, nor make 
me yield it, but Death itself ! " 


The War in 1709.— Active Preparations by France and the Allies.— Oper- 
ations on the Rhine. — The terrible Battle of Malplaguef.— Detailed 
Description of the Battle. 

THE WAR, 1709. 

While these negotiations had been going on, great prepa- 
rations had been made by the Allies, in order to press their 
advantages, so as to conquer a final peace ; and to so hu- 
miliate and weaken France that she might never again be 
a disturbing power in Europe. 

The spirit of the French king and his chivalric nobility, 
however, was still extant, and his valiant generals and sol- 
diers were not entirely disheartened. Active preparations 
were made in all the frontier provinces to collect supplies 
for the troops. Forces were gathered from all quarters of 
the kingdom, in order to put a formidable army in the field ; 
and vigorous recruiting and impressing so swelled the de- 
pleted ranks, that Villars, appointed to the chief command, 
found himself at the head of an army in Flanders, little in- 
ferior to that of the Allies. 

On the Rhine the French defeated the Germans at Ru- 
mersheim, and prevented the Elector of Hanover from 
forming a junction with the Duke of Savoy in Franche- 
Comt^, which he had undertaken, with a view to drive the 
French out of that province. 

In the Netherlands, the Allies had concentrated a large 
force of 110,000 men; and, after skilful tactics, by which 
they out-manoeuvred Villars, they besieged and took Tour- 
nay, and then laid siege to Mons, which Villars sought to 
relieve, with a large army, and fortified himself near Mal- 

The Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene subse- 
quently attacked Villars in his intrenchments, and the most 
bloody and obstinately contested battle of the war ensued, 



— fought on Sept. 11, 1709; in which, although the Allies 
lost upwards of 20,000 killed or wounded, they caused Vil- 
lars to retreat, and Mons was taken. 

Although it is no part of the design of this historical re- 
view to describe, in detail, the military operations of the war, 
yet it may not be out of place to give an extended account 
of the great battle of Malplaquet,* as illustrating the ter- 
rible nature of the engagements between great armies at 
this period, and as particularly showing the gallant fighting 
qualities of the soldiers to whom Marlborough was opposed 
during his campaigns, as well as the persistent valor of the 
troops he commanded. 


" As the morning of the eventful i ith of September began 
to dawn, a mist overspread the woods, and concealed the 
armies from each other. In the camp of the allies divine 
service was solemnly performed at three in the morning, 
with the usual marks of devotion, after the example of their 
chief ; silence and order reigned through all the ranks, as 
they steadily marched from the bivouac to their posts. 
Under cover of the fog, the pieces composing the grand 
battery of the centre were conveyed to the appointed spot, 
and covered with an epaulement, to prevent an enfilade, 
while the Dutch likewise moved forward their heavy guns 
on the left. 

" The grand guard of the enemy giving instant notice that 
the Allies were making their dispositions for the attack, the 
French soldiers discontinued working at the intrench- 
ments, and stood to their arms. The troops on both sides, 

* This precise account of the great battle was compiled by Archdeacon 
Coxe and his late editors, after careful consultation of many authorities, 
the most important of which were Quincy's great work on the battles 
during the reign of Louis XIV., the historical memoirs of Lamberti, the 
lives of Villars and Prince Eugene, " Life of Marlborough," written by 
order of Buonaparte, Milner's "Journal of Marches and Battles," Brod- 
erick's "History of the Late War," " Military History of Great Britain," 
" Chronologic Historique et Militaire," and " Commentaires de Folard." 
There were over thirty other works consulted. 


though harassed by fatigue and want of rest, manifested 
no diminution of their usual spirit, at the approach of 
this long-expected engagement. The French gave signal 
proofs of unbounded confidence in their new general, whom 
they adored, and in whose abilities they confided. Eight 
campaigns had been successively marked with disasters ; 
all their former leaders had seen their laurels wither before 
the two great opponents, and the formidable troops that 
now stood arrayed in their front ; yet, no sooner was the 
command entrusted to this favorite chief, than their defeats 
were forgotten, and they resumed their national ardor, 
which they testified, as he rode along the ranks, by exclaim- 
ing, ' Vive le Roi, vive le Mar^chal Villars ! ' Many of the 
soldiers, though ill supplied with provisions for several 
days, even threw away their rations of bread, in their eager- 
ness to begin the engagement. At seven, Villars mounted 
his horse, and requested Marshal BoufBers to assume the 
command of the right wing, while he himself superintended 
the movements of the left. 

" In the allied camps the national character of the troops 
was more sedately expressed, by the punctuality of obedi- 
ence, by the stern frown or contemptuous sarcasm, and by 
the general exclamation, in allusion to the French intrench- 
ments, 'that they were again obliged to make war upon 
moles ! ' The whole army was in readiness to advance be- 
fore dawn. The commanders-in-chief, with the prince royal 
of Prussia, and the deputy Goslinga, surveyed the execu- 
tion of the preparatory dispositions, in every part of the 

"The fog still lingering on the ground, protracted the 
moment of onset ; but, at half-past seven, the sun broke 
forth, and as soon as the artillery could point with precis- 
ion, the fire opened on both sides, with an animation and 
effect indicative of the ardor which reigned in every bosom. 
In a moment, the French household troops in the rear of 
the lines, had several killed and wounded, and the allied 
chiefs witnessed similar effects as they rode along their owji 
ranks, although the two armies were almost concealed from 
each other, by the intrenchments and inequalities of the 


ground. Soon after the opening of the cannonade, Villars 
and BoufBers repaired to their respective posts ; and the 
two confederate generals also separated — Eugene to direct 
the movements of the right, and Marlborough those of the 
centre and left. 

" The attack commenced on the side of the allies, against 
the right and centre of the French, in two dense columns ; 
the first under the Prince of Orange, and the other under 
Count Lottum. Suddenly the Dutch column halted, ac- 
cording to orders, and drew up in several lines beyond the 
reach of grape ; while that of Lottum moved forward re- 
gardless of the fire, to the rear of the principal allied bat- 
tery, and, wheeling to the right, formed in three lines. As 
these columns took their stations, Schulemberg advanced 
at the head of 40 battalions, ranged in three lines. 

" After a short pause in the cannonade, the signal of onset 
was given, at nine, by a general volley from the grand bat- 
tery. Schulemberg instantly advanced along the edge of 
the wood of Sart, direct upon the projecting point of the 
enemy's left wing ; while Lottum marched around the grand 
battery, to attack the other face of the angle ; and as he 
cleared the ground, Lord Orkney deployed his fifteen bat- 
talions to cover his left, and face the hostile centre. The 
three battalions, drawn from the blockading corps before 
Mons, likewise pressed forward, under the orders of Gau- 
vain, and entered the wood of Sart unperceived. At this 
moment, Eugene came up to the troops of Schulemberg, 
and found them passing several streamlets, and entering the 
wood. They were suffered by the enemy to approach 
within pistol shot, and then received a volley which forced 
several battalions to recoil, more than 200 yards. A furi- 
ous storm of musketry ensued, and the French brigade of 
Charost, being partly advanced in an abatis, was either 
driven from its station, or withdrew, to avoid a flank attack. 
The Austrian battalions on the right, being impeded by a 
morass in front, made a circuitous movement, and fell in 
with the brigade of Gauvain. These corps, thus fortui- 
tously united, began to penetrate into the wood, as fast as 
the obstructions which they encountered would permit, 


but were checked by the troops of Charost, and exchanged 
a vigorous fire of musketry with the enemy. Scarcely was 
this attack begun, before Marlborough, advancing towards 
the centre, led on in person the troops of Count Lottum. 
At some distance they were greeted by volleys of musket- 
ry from the brigade Du Roi, without shaking the firmness 
of their ranks ; they passed some inclosures, descended the 
hollow bank of the rivulet, and waded through the swamp 
under a galling fire. Reaching the foot of the intrench- 
ment, though disordered by the difficulty of the approach, 
and the loss they had sustained, they made the most furi- 
ous effort to ascend the breastwork, but were repulsed by 
the French troops, who were encouraged by the presence of 
Villars. himself. Meanwhile, Withers advanced in silence 
through the woods, in the direction of La Folie, and by 
this demonstration distracted the attention of the enemy ; 
but as yet not a single shot was fired on that side. Both 
the first lines of attack, on the right, having suffered se- 
verely, Eugene and Schulemberg filled up the intervals, 
and extended the flanks with part of the second ; they then 
advanced again and dislodged the brigades of La Reine and 
Charost, but could not force those of Picardie and La Ma- 
rine, notwithstanding the great exertions of the Danes, 
Saxons and Hessians. Count Lottum now returned. to the 
attack, while Marlborough placed himself at the head of 
D'Auvergne's cavalry to sustain him. At this moment the 
Duke of Argyle ordered a British brigade of the second 
line to extend the left, and the whole renewed the charge. 
As the attacks embraced a wider front this fresh brigade 
came opposite an opening in the intrenchm'ents ; but the 
access was through a marshy spot, almost impassable. 
While they were entangled in the swamp, the active Chem- 
erault, with twelve battalions, drawn from the second line 
of the French left centre, passed the intrenchments, and 
prepared to charge their left flank. But Villars, who was 
on the border of the wood, remarking Marlborough with 
his staff at the head of D'Auvergne's cavalry, galloped for- 
ward, and stopped them at the moment when their farther 
advance would have been fatal. Free on the flank, the left 


of Count Lottum then penetrated the intrenchment, turned 
the right of the brigade Du Roi, and forced the French 
gradually back in the wood. The brigades of Champagne 
and Picardie, pressed by the double assault of Schulemberg 
on one side, and of Lottum on the other, found a moment- 
ary asylum behind an abatis ; and the Royal Marine, after 
a vigorous stand, was compelled to follow their example. 
The rest retreated in disorder through the wood, which was 
so close, that the lines were broken into parties, and every 
tree was disputed. Meanwhile the appointed half-hour of 
the first onset had elapsed, when the Prince of Orange, im- 
patient of delay, resolved to attack, although not supported 
by the corps of Withers, and without waiting the consent 
of Marshal Tilly. In obedience to the particular disposi- 
tion issued the preceding evening, the left of the whole 
front was led by Major-general Hamilton, and Brigadier 
Douglas, with four battalions, among whom was the Scot- 
tish brigade, in four lines, with orders to enter the wood 
and attack the grenadiers, who covered the right flank of 
the enemy. Nine battalions, commanded by Lieutenant- 
generals Spaar and Oxenstiern, were to advance against the 
salient angle of the intrenchment next the wood ; and to 
the right of these, six battalions, in three lines, led by 
Lieutenant-generals Dohna and Heyden, were to carry the 
battery on the road to Malplaquet. Generals Welderen 
and Rank, with four battalions, in two lines, received direc- 
tions to skirt the hedges of Bleron, and force the intrench- 
ment to the right of the battery. Beyond these in the en- 
closures of Bleron, seven battalions, part of which had been 
destined at first to act defensively under Major-generals 
Pallant and Ammama, were now to advance in three lines, 
and attack the point of the projecting intrenchment, de- 
fended by the brigades of Laonois and Alsace. 

" The whole was supported by the hereditary prince of 
Hesse-Cassel, with twenty-one squadrons, in two lines, and 
preceded by the cannon allotted to that corps. A few 
squadrons remained between Aulnoit and the farm of Ni- 
vergies, to observe the opening in rear of the left. On the 
word to march, all were instantly in motion, led on by 


the aspiring Prince of Orange, at the head of the first nine 
battalions, under a tremendous shower of grape and mus- 
ketry. He had scarcely advanced a few paces, when the 
brave Oxenstiern was killed by his side, and several aides- 
de-camp and attendants successively dropped as he ad- 
vanced. His own horse being killed, he rushed forward on 
foot ; and as he passed the opening of the great flanking 
battery, whole ranks were swept away ; yet he reached the 
intrenchment, and, waving his hat, in an instant the breast- 
work was forced at the point of the bayonet, by the Dutch 
guards and highlanders. But, before they could deploy, 
they were driven from the post by an impetuous charge 
from the troops of the French left, who had been rallied 
by Marshal Boufiflers. At this moment the corps, under 
Dohna, moved gallantly against the battery on the road, 
penetrated into the embrasures, and took some colors : but 
ere they reached the front of the breastwork, were mowed 
down by the battery on their flank. A dreadful carnage 
took place among all the troops in this concerted attack ; 
Spaar lay dead upon the field, Hamilton was carried off 
wounded, and the lines, beginning to waver, recoiled a few 
paces. Deriving fresh spirit from this repulse, the heroic 
Prince of Orange mounted another horse, and when that 
was shot under him, his native energy was not shaken ; he 
rallied the nearest troops, took a standard from the regi- 
ment of Mey, and marching on foot almost alone to the in- 
trenchment, he planted the colors on the bank, and called 
aloud, ' Follow me, my friends ; here is your post.' Fore- 
most among the assailants was the heir of Athol, the gal- 
lant Marquis of Tullibardine, followed by his faithful high- 
landers ; he sought honor in a foreign service and died the 
death of heroes. Lieutenant-general Week shared his 
glorious fate, and the Swiss brigadier Mey was severely 
wounded. Again the onset was renewed, but it was no 
longer possible to force the enemy ; for their second line 
had closed up, and the whole breastwork bristled with bayo- 
nets and blazed with fire. The brigade of Navarre, which 
had been sent to re-enforce the centre, was recalled ; and 
the French soldiers, disregarding the control of their ofifi- 


cers, opened the intrenchment, and made a furious charge. 
The disordered ranks of the Dutch battalions were beat 
back, over heaps of slain companions ; they lost several col- 
ors, and their advanced battery fell into the hands of the 
French. In this moment of confusion, though pursued by 
the horse grenadiers, whom BoufHers had sent forward to 
improve the advantage, they (the Dutch) presented so firm 
a front as to awe their assailants, and were* supported by the 
Prince of Hesse and his brave squadrons. In these attacks 
near two thousand men were killed ; and the number of 
wounded was still greater ; two battalions of blue guards 
being nearly annihilated. 

" In the midst of the conflict. Baron Fagel led on the seven 
battalions under Lieutenant-general Pallant, to storm the 
projecting intrenchment, near the farm of Bleron, through 
the enclosures which covered the front. Notwithstanding 
a heavy fire, they reached the breastwork, and drove the 
brigade of Laonois from the parapet ; till meeting with an 
obstinate resistance from the veteran Brigadier Steckem- 
berg and his valiant corps, they were compelled to relin- 
quish the post. During this unequal conflict, Goslinga had 
led on the troops with unexampled courage, -and witnessing 
the danger of his gallant countrymen, galloped toward the 
right, to demand assistance. Meeting Lieutenant-general 
Rantzau, who, with four battalions of Hanoverians, was 
posted on the edge of the rivulet near the wood of Tiry, he 
represented to him the critical situation of the Dutch ; and 
when the general stated his positive instructions not to 
move without orders, he extorted, after much importunity, 
a re-enforcement of two battalions. 

" While the deputy, not satisfied with this relief, hastened 
across the field in search of Marlborough, the attack on the 
left was renewed with the aid of this re-enforcement, and 
the intrenchment carried ; but, mowed down as before by 
grape shot, and charged by Steckemberg, the assailants 
were again repulsed with prodigious loss. All the Han- 
overian officers, except three, were killed or wounded, and 
the French maintained their post, though with the sacrifice 


of their best soldiers, and among others, of their veteran 
chief, who here closed his long and honorable career. 

" In this anxious crisis, Goslinga met Marlborough, who, 
leaving Lottum to continue his successful attack, was him- 
self hastening to remedy the disorder on the left. As they 
rode together to join the Prince of Orange, the duke per- 
ceived that Rantzau with his two battalions had attacked a 
party of the enemy, who quitted the intrenchment to 
occupy an advanced ravine. He likewise remarked the 
shattered remains of the Dutch infantry reluctantly meas- 
uring back their steps to the first enclosures beyond the 
reach of grape shot. He accordingly ordered Rantzau to 
retire to his former post, and not to move again till he 
should receive directions from himself. 

" With a heavy heart he beheld many victims of incon- 
siderate valor, and witnessed, with equal concern and 
admiration, numbers of the wounded Dutch returning from 
the hands of the surgeons, to resume their station in the 
ranks. Here he was joined by Eugene, bending likewise 
his course to the left with no less solicitude. While they 
were giving precautionary orders to that wing, a British 
officer arrived from the right, to inform them that the 
enemy were attacking, in turn, with great fury and evident 
advantage. During this time, Villars had ineffectually 
sunimoned re-enforcements from his right ; for Boufflers 
was too much weakened, even by his successful resistance, 
to detach a part of his infantry. Thus reduced to the neces- 
sity of drawing troops from his own centre, he reluctantly 
called the Irish brigade and that of Bretagne to his assist- 
ance, and was soon afterwards joined by the brigade of La 
Sarre. With the aid of these and other re-enforcements, a 
furious charge was made into the wood of Taisniere upon 
the British and Prussians, who recoiled a considerable way 
before the impetuous onset of the Irish. But the nature 
of the spot upon which they fought soon divided their 
ranks and retarded their progress. 

"At this moment, the allied troops were cheered by the 
return of Marlborough, who, on the intelligence of their 
critical situation, again hastened to the right of his centre. 


to co-operate with the attack from the army of Eugene. 
Meanwhile Schulemberg, having forced his way round the 
marsh, pushed the enemy gradually before him ; and from 
the thickness of the wood, the fight became rather a multi- 
plicity of skirmishes and single combats than a regular 
engagement; the sight of the contending parties being 
impeded by a thick foliage and a dense atmosphere bf 

" The troops of the right were also animated by the return 
of Eugene, who, as he was rallying his men, and gallantly 
leading them to the charge, was struck by a musket-ball 
behind the ear. His attendants pressed him to retire, that 
the wound might be dressed ; but the hero replied, ' If I 
am fated to die here, to what purpose can it be to dress the 
wound ? ' If I survive, it will be time enough in the even- 
ing ; and instantly rushed into the thickest of the fire. 
His presence roused the brave German battalions, and they 
recovered the lost ground, pressing forwards, in great 
numbers, by a kind of opening between the woods of Sart 
and Taisniere, along the road to the wood of Jean-Sart. 
His efforts were now seconded by General Withers, from 
his station at La Folie. As soon as this corps reached the 
debouche of the woods of Blangies and Jean-Sart, the 
squadrons drew up behind the hamlet of La Folie, while 
four battalions covered their left flank, and secured the 
avenues on the side of Sart. With the remaining fifteen, 
Withers passed the little rivulet, crossed a small coppice, 
and took post in the hedges of La Folie. The Danish and 
Saxon squadrons, who composed part of his corps, then 
advanced, with the intention of flanking the left of the 
position of Villars ; but only six squadrons had formed, 
when the Chevalier du Rosel, at the head of the cara- 
bineers, charged and drove them back. Notwithstanding 
this repulse, it was the progress of the corps under Withers, 
which hastened the retreat of the enemy's left out of the 
wood of Taisniere, and alarmed Villars. 

" In the carnage, Chemerault and Pallavicini fell ; and 
the several brigades, fluctuating through the marshes and 
thickest parts of the wood, were mingled together in con- 


siderable disorder. Villars had hastened to sustain them 
with the Irish brigades drawn from the centre ; while 
Albergotti had posted those of Charost and Du Roi to 
check Withers in the nearest hedges of the farm of La 

" To their right was the brigade of Champagne, forming a 
flank in the last copses, with the left to the marshy stream- 
let which passes near the farm ; in the rear of Champagne 
the brigades of Gondrin and Tourville drew up, and behind 
them was the cavalry on the plain. The regiments of La 
Reine and Xaintonges supported the brigade Du Roi, and 
covered its left ilank. Before this disposition was arranged, 
Villars also formed a corps of twelve battalions, in two 
lines, at fifty paces from the wood. At this moment 
Eugene advanced at the head of five German regiments, 
and opened a destructive fire. 

" They were charged by the French with bayonets, under 
the immediate direction of Villars ; but in the heat of the 
combat his horse was shot, and a second musket ball struck 
him above the knee. Unable to move, he called for a chair, 
that he might continue in the field ; till, fainting from the 
anguish of the wound, he was carried senseless to Quesnoy. 
Notwithstanding his loss, the allied battalions were driven 
back to the edge of the wood of Taisniere, from whence 
they did not again attempt to advance. Thus, after an 
obstinate conflict of four hours, the Confederate forces only 
obtained possession of the intrenchments and wood on the 
enemy's left, but realized so much of their plan, that while 
they compelled their opponents to employ almost all their 
infantry on both flanks, they were at liberty to execute the 
ulterior object of the disposition, by attacking the hostile 
centre. The right of Marlborough, forming the centre of 
the allied army, had coolly waited for the proper moment 
of onset. As soon as the enemy began to draw their can- 
non out of the intrenchments, he ordered Lord Orkney to 
make a decisive effort upon the redans in the centre. This 
gallant officer, assisted by Rantzau, Vink, and other gen- 
erals, had gradually advanced in proportion as Lottum 
gained ground ; and behind him was the Prince d'Auvergne 


with thirty squadrons of Dutch cavalry in two lines; in 
their rear was the British cavalry, under Lieutenant-general 
Wood, the Prussians and Hanoverians, commanded by Gen- 
eral Bulau ; and the whole imperial cavalry, under the Duke 
of Wirtemberg and Count of Vehlen, stood formed in col- 
umns, ready to move at the first order. Lord Orkney, ad- 
vancing in one line, at a single onset took possession of all 
the redans, overpowering the Bavarian and Cologne guards, 
who were left almost unsupported, in consequence of the 
drafts from the centre to re-enforce the left. The heavy 
battery of the British centre had likewise been brought for- 
ward, and turned against these troops. 

"As soon, therefore, as. the allies were masters of the 
redans, the guns of the central battery, which had been 
directed upon them, moved rapidly to the right and left, 
and opened a tremendous cannonade across their rear, 
upon the lines of hostile cavalry drawn up along the plain. 
The French horse receding, Rantzau, with his two battal- 
ions, turned the left flank of the French and Swiss guards, 
and dislodged them. At the same moment, the Prince of 
Orange, not daunted by his former repulse, renewed the 
attack, and the brigades of Laonois and Alsace were driven 
out of the projecting intrenchment. Meanwhile, the Prince 
d'Auvergne passed the French works, and began to form 
his cavalry. 

" The crisis of this sanguinary battle was now arrived. 
The intrepid Auvergne was charged by the hostile cavalry, 
and though only a part of his front was in line, he with- 
stood the shock and repulsed them. The foremost squad- 
rons of the enemy were dispersed only to make room for 
nobler champions, who advanced in gallant order ; the gay, 
the vain, yet truly valiant gendarmerie of France, headed 
by Boufiflers. The Marshal had remained with his wing, 
till he received the alarming intelligence that the allies had 
broken through the centre. Ordering the household horse 
to follow, he flew to the spot, and found the gens d'armes 
ready to charge ; after a short and cheering address he 
placed himself at their head, and darted upon his antag- 
onists, who were extending their lines in proportion as they 


came up through the openings of the redans. Notwith- 
standing all the efforts of the gallant Auvergne, the allied 
squadrons were driven back to the intrenchments, but 
Lord Orkney, having taken the precaution to post his 
infantry upon the parapets, poured in a most destructive 
fire, which repulsed the gens d'armes, in their turn. Thrice 
these charges were repeated, and thrice the impetuous 
assailants were repulsed by the combined fires of the mus- 
ketry, and the cross batteries on the flanks. In the midst 
of this arduous struggle Marlborough came up, and led for- 
ward a second line of British and Prussian cavalry, under 
the command of Bulau and Wood. They fell on the dis- 
comfited squadrons who were attempting to withdraw, and 
would have swept them from the field, but for the advance 
of a formidable body of two thousand men, consisting of 
the gardes du corps, light horse, mousquetaires, and horse 
grenadiers of the royal household. 

" These gallant cavaliers had hastened from the right to 
share the dangers of the centre, and were also led to the 
charge by Marshal Boufflers. Their onset was irresistible ; 
they broke through the first and second lines and threw 
the third into confusion. But the force of the allies, on 
this point, was now opportunely augmented ; the whole of 
Eugene's cavalry having followed at a full gallop in rear of 
the duke's right wing. The "presence of this illustrious hero 
animated his troops, and by the judicious dispositions of 
the two commanders the assailants were outflanked, and 
being galled by a cross fire from the infantry, retreated to 
the plain. Their spirit, however, was not subdued, for they 
still rallied, and renewed the charge several times, though 
without making any considerable impression. Glowing 
with zeal to encounter an enemy worthy of their valor, the 
allied cavalry moved forward with redoubled ardor equal 
in spirit, but superior in numbers, and drove this intrepid 
and distinguished body behind the rivulet of Camp Perdu. 

" Before this charge took place, the Prince of Hesse had 
watched with eager impatience the proper moment to act. 
Observing Lord Orkney's advance, and Rantzau's manoeu- 
vre upon the flank of the French guards, he pushed for- 


ward in column, passed the redans, and wheeling to tTie 
left, took the right of the hostile infantry in flank, This 
daring manoeuvre had the desired effect, the enemy 
crowded to their right, and were again attacked by the. 
Prince of Orange, who had re-occupied the intrenchments, 
with little resistance. 

" While the Marquis de Vahfere and his noble comrades 
rallied the household troops, and the rest of the cavalry on 
the plain, Boufflers cast an anxious and scrutinizing eye 
over the field of battle. He beheld his centre pierced, his 
right dislodged, the communication with his left cut off, 
and the ablest officers under his command killed or wounded. 
Still, however, his gallant spirit was unwilling to recede, till 
he received advice that Legal, who commanded the left, 
was in full retreat with his cavalry, and about fifty bat- 
talions under Puysegur ; he therefore reluctantly ordered 
a general retreat in the direction of Bavai. D'Artagnan 
marched off in close columns through the woods ; Boufflers 
crossed the Hon, at Taisniere and the neighboring hamlet ; 
Luxembourg covered the rear with the reserve. Beyond 
the woods, on the plain, in front of Bavai, the infantry and 
cavalry rejoined, and after halting to collect the stragglers, 
and break down the bridges, passed the Honeau, in the 
vicinity of that town. Their left withdrew towards Que- 
vrain, and effected their retreat with little loss, because the 
allies were too much exhausted and reduced to pursue them 
in force. They passed the Honeau at Audrigni^s and 
Quevrain, where a brigade of their infantry was posted. In 
the course of the night they traversed the Ronelle and 
gradually re-assembled at a camp between Quesnoy and 
Valenciennes. This has been justly considered as a mas- 
terly retreat, and was applauded by Eugene and Marlbor- 
ough, themselves. The allied forces, exhausted with 
fatigue, halted near the field of battle on the plain, 
stretching from Malplaquet beyond Taisniere. The en- 
gagement being so desperate, and little quarter given on 
either side, not more than 500 prisoners were taken by 
the allies, except those who were left wounded on the 
field ; and who amounted to about three thousand. Few 


cannon or colors were captured, and the victory was only 
manifested by the retreat of the French, and the sub- 
sequent investment of Mons. The respective losses in 
this desperate engagement have been, as usual, erroneously 
stated. Villars, with his wonted exaggeration, estimated 
the number of killed and wounded at 35,000 on the side 
of the allies. The official accounts, however, return, of in- 
fantry alone, 5544 killed and 12,706 wounded and miss- 
ing, making a total of 18,250; and among these 286 
officers killed, and 762 wounded. But when we take 
into account the loss of the cavalry, and consider the 
obstinate resistance of the French, behind their intrench- 
ments, we may conclude that the killed and wounded 
on the side of the confederates did not fall short of 20,000 
men. Of course, the French endeavored to extenuate 
their loss. In one of his letters to the king, Villars limits 
it to 6000 men, and the highest estimate, by other 
French writers, gives only 8137 killed, wounded, and pris- 
oners ; but from a comparison of ^their own authorities, 
we may reasonably calculate their loss at not less than 
14,000 men exclusive of deserters." 

The loss of the French being much less than that of the 
allies, so accustomed were the former lately to discomfit- 
ure, that a defeat, where so great loss was inflicted on the 
enemy, was considered as half a victory. 

Villars was so satisfied with his own side, that he wrote 
that the enemy would have been annihilated by such an- 
other victory. A French officer of distinction wrote soon 
after this great battle : " The Eugenes and Marlboroughs 
ought to be well satisfied with us during that day, since, 
till then, they had not met with resistance worthy of them. 
They may, with justice, say, that nothing can stand before 
them; and, indeed, what shall be able to stem the rapid 
course of these two heroes, if an army of 100,000 of the 
best troops posted between two woods, trebly intrenched, 
and performing their duty as well as any brave men could 
do, will not be able to stop them, one day ? Will you not 
then own with me that they surpass all the heroes of for- 
mer ages? " 


The French driven back from Flanders. — Defeat of the Allies, in Spain. — 
Renewed efforts by Louis for Peace. — The Negotiations at Gertruy- 
denberg. — Humiliating Requisitions of the Allies. — Louis alone to 
remove his Grandson. — Spirited Response of the French Agents. — 
Louis rejects the conditions. — Address by the English Ministry to 
the States General. — Marlborough and Eugene oppose any Peace, 
and propose to march into France. — Madame de Maintenon's med- 
dling in the War. — The Condition of Spain. — Letter of the Queen to 
Louis. — Resolve of Philip and the Spaniards to fight to the last.-;— 
War in 1710-1711. — Philip again driven from Madrid. — His Refusal 
to abandon his Crown. — Vendome sent to Spain. — Victories of Brig- 
huega and Villaviciosa. — Philip re-enters Madrid.— War in Flan- 
ders. — Taking of Bouchain. — Taking of Rio de Janeiro. 


By the conquest of Mons, following the battle of Malpla- 
quet, and other places on the Lys and the Dyle, the protec- 
tion of the great towns in Brabant and Flanders was as- 
sured ; the Dutch frontier was strengthened, and the 
French driven back to seek future supplies for the war, 
within their own territories. 

In Spain, however, the Spanish army had defeated the 
Earl of Galway, at Badajoz, and the fortunes of Philip were 
far from being on the wane. 

The victories of the Allies, however, during the campaign 
of 1709, again disposed Louis to take steps for peace. 

Winter had now put a stop to hostilities, that had, in 
the main, ended advantageously for the Allies ; and the 
King was disposed to make new sacrifices, in order to save 
his kingdom. Accordingly, the Marshal d'Huxelles and 
the Ahh6 de Polignac were sent to Holland, to enter into 
negotiations on the part of France, and arrived there in the 
early Spring of 1710. They established themselves at 
Gertruydenberg, where the principal negotiations were 



The main point of dispute was, of course, the " succes- 
sion " or the dismemberment of the Spanish dominions : 
and a harsh exaction of the Allies was, that Louis should 
peaceably or forcibly, if necessary, cause his grandson to 
relinquish his dominions, and should do it alone. 

The cession of Alsace was also a point exacted by the 
Allies ; which Louis, under the stress of circumstances, 
was disposed to yield ; and also, even the point, that Philip 
was to have the kingdoms of Sicily and Sardinia. Louis 
also went so far as to offer to acknowledge the Archduke 
Charles, as King of Spain, to withhold all assistance to his 
grandson, and to prohibit French soldiers from enlisting in 
the Spanish army ; and, furthermore, to stipulate that the 
Spanish monarchy should never be united to that of 
France. He was, also, willing to concede, that a barrier 
should be constructed for Holland, that he would raze 
Dunkirk and his fortresses on the Rhine, yield up Stras- 
burg and other districts, acknowledge Queen Ann and the 
established Protestant succession in England, and banish 
the English Pretender : he offered, further, to deliver cer- 
tain towns, as security for the observance of his obliga- 
tions. But the inexorable trio, Heinsius, Marlborough and 
Eugene, wanted still further concessions, and still insisted, 
as a sine qua non, on the immediate removal of the King 
of Spain, granting a truce of two months for the pur- 
pose ; Louis himself, to be the instrument of removing his 

It was claimed, in these terms, by the representative of 
the Emperor, Count Sinzendorff, that " France, being the 
sole cause of all the evils of the war, the Allies cannot be 
blamed for claiming that she is obliged to redress them, at 
her own expense. She has violated, in order to crown the 
Duke of Anjou, the most solemn treaties, the most positive 
renunciations, and the most sacred oaths. Is it not right 
that she should bear the penalty of her breaches of faith 
and her perjuries? " 

The words of D'Huxelles and the Abb6 de Polignac, in 
their response to Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary, on the 
subsequent rupture of the negotiations at Gertruydenberg 


(July 20, 1 7 10), Strongly expressed the feeling of their 
master, in regard to this persistent effort to humiliate him. 

They thus wrote, in speaking of the severe and impracti- 
cable proposals which the Dutch Deputies had made : 
" They told us that the Republic and her allies were for 
obliging the King, our master, to make war, alone, upon 
the King, his grandson, to compel him to renounce his 
crown ; and that, without uniting their forces to those of 
his majesty, they would have that monarch dispossessed of 
Spain and the Indies, within the term of two months." 

The Plenipotentiaries thus concluded : " Should we con- 
tinue any longer at Gertruydenberg, nay, should we spend 
whole years, in Holland, our stay would be to no purpose, 
since those who govern the Republic are persuaded that 
it is their interest to make the Peace depend upon an im- 
practicable condition. We do not pretend to persuade 
them to continue a negotiation which they have a mind to 
break off ; and, in short, whatever desire the King, our 
master, has to procure quiet for his people, it will be less 
grievous to them to support the war, an end of which his 
majesty would have purchased at so dear a rate, against 
the same enemies he had been fighting with, these ten 
years, than to see him add to them the King, his grandson, 
and rashly undertake to conquer Spain and the Indies, in 
the space of two months, in a certain assurance, when that 
term is expired, to find his enemies strengthened by the 
places he must yield to them ; and, by consequence, in a 
condition to turn upon him the new arms he should have 
put into their hands. This, sir, is the positive answer the 
King has ordered us to return to you, upon the new pro- 
posals of the Deputies. We do it at the end of six days, 
instead of fifteen, which they allowed us, as a favor. This 
despatch will at least convince you that we do not endeavor 
to amuse you." 

On this letter being received, the States General resolved, 
after conference with the ministers of the other Allies, to 
continue the war with greater vigor, alleging that it was 
apparent from the communication of the French political 
agents, that France was exerting itself to render the main 


article, viz., the Restitution of Spain, uncertain in the exe- 

They also claimed that the High Allies had a right to 
demand the restitution of Spain and the Spanish Indies 
with their dependencies, for the House of Austria ; and to 
assert this claim, not only against " the Duke of Anjou, as 
the possessor, but principally against the King of France 
as the Person, who, contrary to the most ample renunciations, 
and the most solemn treaties, seized the said Dominions, 
in such a manner as is known to all men ; and who, by 
consequence, is under an obligation to restore them." 

They also allege, with much plausibility, the impossibility 
of any forces of the Allies properly and harmoniously oper- 
ating with those of France, in dispossessing the Franco- 
Spanish monarch. 

In the fierce words of the Dutch Deputies, " The will of 
the Allies is, that the King shall undertake, either to per- 
suade the King of Spain, or to compel him, by his own 
armies, to give up his entire kingdom. Neither the pay- 
ment of money, nor the union of French troops with ours, 
will suit us. The simple execution of this Treaty is the 
only guaranty they require, and that these preliminary 
articles be carried out, in the space of two months. That 
time expired, the truce is broken ; the war will be renewed, 
even if, on the part of the French king, all the other of the 
preliminary conditions are fully carried out." 

The above conditions Louis informed the States he had 
no power to perform, even if disposed so to do ; although, 
it appeared that he had been so far humiliated and dis- 
heartened, as to offer, as one of the terms of the prelim- 
inaries, to place a certain sum with the Allies, to assist in 
removing Philip from Spain. 

After the rupture of the conferences at Gertruydenberg, 
a resolution was drawn up by the States General and sent 
to the Ministers of the Allies, justifying themselves in the 
negotiations ; and showing that it was on account of the 
obstinacy and' pretensions of the French King that the 
conferences came to no result. To this notification the 
English Ministry thus responded, on the 7th August, 1710: 


High and Mighty Lords : Her Majesty, the Queen of 
Great Britain, having considered the letter which the Mar- 
shal d'Huxelles and the Abbd de Polignac wrote to the 
Grand Pensionary on the 20th of the last month, in which 
the French Ambassadors not only made use of false insinua- 
tions as regards what has passed at the Conference, at 
Gertruydenberg, in order to justify, by that, their bad 
faith, trying at the same time to sow dissensions between 
the High Allies, but, by an unheard of and unexampled 
proceeding, making appeal for their justification to the 
People of Great Britain and Holland, and in declaring for 
themselves the continuation of the conferences useless, and 
breaking up the negotiations. Her Majesty having been 
informed of the above resolution, by your High Mighti- 
nesses, has given order to her Ambassador to testify to 
your Mightinesses, that she entirely approves of your reso- 
lution and desires to express to you the great satisfaction 
she experiences of your conduct, during these negotiations; 
and assures them of her firm resolution to take vigorous 
measures with her Allies to prosecute the war until an hon- 
orable peace is obtained." 

After the failure of the negotiations at Gertruydenberg 
the Grand Monarque, now grand indeed in his spirit, again 
called his subjects to arms. He issued a proclamation to 
them reciting his efforts at peace, and the pretensions of 
the Allies, and fixed a war-tax of ten per cent, on the rev- 
enue of all property in the kingdom. 

Both Marlborough and Prince Eugene, throughout all 
this period were strongly opposed to peace. Besides the 
feelings of personal hostility that each entertained towards 
the French king, whose complete humiliation they desired 
to accomplish from political motives, considerations as to 
the continuance of their own personal renown and power, 
doubtless, much influenced them, particularly as they saw 
the conclusion near. Their highest dream was to enter 
France, sword in .hand, and to dictate peace at Paris, to 
the humiliated king. 

It having been apparent that the conferences would be 


productive of no result, D'Huxelles and the Abb6 Polignac 
had abruptly departed from Gertruydenberg, on the 25 th 
July, 1710, and returned to France. 

Her fortresses taken, her frontiers unprotected, her 
armies destroyed, her great generals defeated, her finances 
exhausted, her realm depopulated, her commerce par- 
alyzed, France was still unconquered ; and again, with a 
heroic spirit, prepared for a renewal of the desperate 

Much of France's misfortunes in the field were due to 
the meddling of Madame de Maintenon, in political and 
military affairs ; she having her favorites and partisans to 
be rewarded or placed. In 1701, at the beginning of the 
war, the able commander Catinat had been deposed, by her 
influence, and the incompetent Villeroi, her proteg^, sub- 
stituted in his place. The inexperienced Chamillard was 
maintained as minister of war, and subsequently removed, 
and Voisin substituted, mainly by her influence. Chamil- 
lard's removal was owing to his keeping secret from Ma- 
dame a plan proposed for the taking of Lisle, a plan which 
was frustrated by her action : and, often, the plans of the 
generals were disconcerted and victories prevented by 
orders from the Court, transmitted with no sufificient knowl- 
edge of existing circumstances. Louis had no longer meia 
like Colbert and Louvois at the head of his affairs ; ana 
Chamillard and Voisin were feeble substitutes — without 
experience, without genius, and without judgment. The 
great warriors, Turenne, Cond6, Luxembourg and Crequi, 
had disappeared from the field, for whom Marsin, Tallard 
and Villeroi were poor substitutes, although Villars was a 
man of vigor, skill and fighting qualities ; but he was 
almost the sole reliance of the King. BoufHers had been 
fighting for nearly fifty years — his last great feat was the 
conduct of the retreat and saving the French army at Mal- 
plaquet ; and now he and Catinat, the faithful — the inde- 
fatigable — and the wisest of the marshals, worn out by 
maladies and the hardships of their campaigns, were no 
longer able to take the field. 

While the negotiations at Gertruydenberg were in con- 


templation, Louis wrote to his Ambassador at Madrid to 
prepare the mind of Philip for anything that might hap- 
pen. " There are conjunctures," he stated, " when courage 
ought to yield to prudence ; and, as the Spanish people, 
now full of zeal for him, may, at any time, change their 
mind — he had better think of reigning in some one place 
rather than to lose, at once, all his dominions." 

The urgent appeals, however, of his grandson and his 
heroic Queen doubtless had a powerful effect on Louis in 
determining him to reject the proposals of the Allies. 
" What will become of me and my children ? " wrote the 
Queen to Louis — " such a course would be our death and 
ruin — and could you put us into such a condition, when it 
depends upon you to avert it? I cannot believe that your 
humanity and the tenderness you have always shown me 
will permit you, now, to abandon me." 

This letter of the Queen of Spain had such an effect 
upon Louis that he revoked orders he had given for the 
withdrawal of the French troops, and, at first, consented, 
to allow twenty-five of his battalions to remain in Spain, 
but only until the Royal pair could provide for their 
safety; and he thus wrote to his Ambassador: " It is im- 
possible that this war can ever be finished, so long as 
Philip remains upon the throne of Spain. This declaration 
will be hard for him to bear, but it is a true one — and it is 
necessary that he should be informed of this sad reality." 

The subsequent rejection by Louis of the preliminaries 
offered by the Allies settled, for the time, at least, the 
question of any removal of the young king. 

After the complete failure of the negotiations at Ger- 
truydenberg, the Spanish Queen wrote this spirited letter 
to Louis : " M. de Bleycourt, having communicated to me 
the resolution that your Majesty has taken to recall your 
Plenipotentiaries, on the last barbarous propositions of the 
allies, I send you, by an express, my extreme thanks for 
it, and the testimonial of our sincere disposition to assist 
France, to sustain a war, which the aggression of our ene- 
mies renders, every day, more necessary and just to our 
side. We foresaw what would be the result of the Ger- 


truydenberg negotiations ; persuaded that the English and 
Hollanders require the removal of your grandson from 
Spain, and that France may be put out of condition for 
any future vengeance. We therefore viewed, with great 
displeasure, your policy to abandon us with the idea of 
rendering your enemies more moderate, whom their good 
fortune is blinding, and who only recognize force as an 
argument ; which argument, unfortunately, they now have. 
Now that we may attribute to artifice all insinuations that 
we were to be disunited, let us try, I humbly beg of you, 
to regain, by ways the opposite of what has been pursued, 
that which has been lost : and let us try to draw by better 
concerted measures than the past the advantages that can 
be expected from the harmony of our two Crowns. We 
will put you now to no expenditure, but we ask you, as a 
most necessary thing, to show the Spaniards that we are 
acting together, to send us, as soon as possible, the Duke 
of Venddme to command our army in Catalonia." 

The condition of Spain was now worse even than that of 
France. The French territory was still intact, but Spain 
was ravaged by opposing armies. There was no longer 
any commerce — agriculture was suspended — the people 
were impoverished — and the battle-field was carrying off 
the population, by thousands. There was still also a great 
party operating against Philip. All Catalonia was earnest 
for the Archduke, although most of the nobility and peo- 
ple were strongly attached to Philip and his fortunes, and 
remained steadfast to him, during all his reverses. 

At this period of disaster, stung by the exactions of the 
Allies, Spain arose, with desperate resolve, to sustain her 
king and maintain her nationality. 

Philip showed himself a monarch in fact, as well as in 
name, and displayed qualities that, in spite of his natural 
defects of character, manifested his fitness for the crown. 

Although at this time less than twenty-seven years of 
age, by his spirit and persistence, he kept up the war, 
fought, with hardihood, in the field, and showed no weak- 
ness, even in the darkest hour. 

The Spaniards rallied about their young king, and fought 


with an energy and determination that very soon revived 
the drooping fortunes of France, and caused the Allies to 
think again of Peace. 

It was well for France that Philip and the Spaniards had 
the courage to continue the war. By so doing the forces 
of the Allies were divided ; large armies being required in 
the Spanish peninsula, which otherwise would have been 
free to operate on the Rhine and the French frontier, and 
which, joined with the other forces of the Allies, might 
have overcome all opposition and marched triumphantly 
into the heart of France. 

WAR IN 1710-1711. 

The time for the re-opening of hostilities had arrived with 
a deplorable condition of France. But Villars and Berwick 
again boldly took the field, and marched their troops into 
Flanders, for battle. 

Early in 17 10, the Allies under Marlborough displayed 
their usual skilful tactics, and, out-manoeuvring Villars, 
besieged and took several important towns, among them 
the important fortresses of Douay and Bethune, which cov- 
ered the north-western frontier of France : and so exultant 
were they that they contemplated immediately marching 
on Paris. 

Aire and St. Venant, on the Lys, were also taken, after 
desperate fighting. 

In Spain, Philip's fortunes were not in the ascendant. 
General Stanhope defeated a Spanish force at Almenara ; 
and the king retreated towards Saragossa, followed by the 
Allies, under General Stahremberg, who, towards the close 
of August, totally defeated, near Saragossa, the army of the 
King of Spain ; and Philip V. abandoned, for the second 
time, his capital, and retreated to Valladolid. The Arch- 
duke Charles, again (8th Sept., 1710), amid an ominous 
silence, entered Madrid, and occupied the greater part of 
Aragon : but he was sullenly received by the Spaniards, 
and they refused even to sell him subsistence. 


After Philip was thus driven from his capital, his cause 
seemed hopeless. 

The Duke de Noailles had been specially deputed by- 
Louis, to persuade him and his queen to abandon the 
crown of Spain, and to be willing to accept some princi- 
pality, such as Naples or Sicily. 

But although they testified their gratitude and respect 
for Louis, and their desire to please him, they resolutely and 
firmly refused to abandon the Spanish people, whose zeal 
and love for them had been so singularly manifested ; and 
whose fidelity had survived all the blows of fortune. 
Philip requested De Noailles to return to France, and to 
represent to Louis the true condition of Spain, still in 
arms and indomitable ; and to inform the French king that, 
although driven from his capital, he had still some resources 
of money and active troops, and, above all, the love of his 
subjects and their determination to never surrender Spain 
to- any foreign power. " I shall always," wrote this spirited 
young king, now awakened by his misfortunes from all 
apathy of character, in response to the desire expressed by 
De Noailles that he should abandon his kingdom — ■" I shall 
always, whatever reasons he has given me, and whatever 
misfortunes he has held up to me, prefer the part to sub- 
mit, that God shall decide my fate, with arms in my hands, 
than to decide myself to an arrangement where my honor 
and glory are interested, and to abandon people on whom 
hitherto my misfortunes have produced no other effect 
than to increase their zeal and affection for me." 

In accordance with the earnest request of the Queen, the 
Duke of Vendome had been sent by Louis to Spain, to en- 
deavor to restore the falling fortunes of Philip. Whatever 
criticisms may have been made upon Venddme, as a man 
and a general, he appears to have had the merit of success ; 
and when commanding alone was never beaten. The results 
of his operations as generalissimo in Spain verified the 
sagacity of the Queen, in praying for his appointment. 

Vendome arrived at Valladolid, about one hundred and 
thirty miles north of Madrid, five days before the departure 
of De Noailles to make his representation of the condition 


of Philip's fortunes to the French King — this was in Sep- 
tember, 1 710. Vendome advised, at first, temporizing with' 
the enemy, so that the Spaniards might well determine 
their plans, and have time to concentrate their forces. 

In the mean time, the Archduke, not being able to main- 
tain his forces in Madrid, and not being assisted in time by 
the Portuguese, retired from that capital, closely followed 
by Philip and Vend6me, who had prevented a junction of 
the allied forces, under Stahremberg, with the Portuguese. 

The Archduke's forces were divided during his retreat, 
and a part of them — the English under General Stanhope — 
were thereupon besieged and attacked by the Spaniards at 
Brighuega; and five thousand of them surrendered prison- 
ers of war (November, 1710). Stahremberg thereupon hav- 
ing gone with too little alacrity to the assistance of the 
English was also defeated by Vendome and Philip, at Vil- 
laviciosa, and suffered much loss in his retreat. Stanhope's 
surrender of his post before Stahremberg's arrival was much 
criticised — the disaster was laid to his charge, and he was 
deprived of his military command. The French and Span- 
iards thereupon recovered nearly all Spain, and scarcely any 
territory except some marine fortresses, including Barce- 
lona, still remained to the Archduke. Philip became again 
established at Madrid, which he re-entered amid enthusi- 
astic acclamations, showing clearly which way the feelings 
of the Spaniards were inclined. 


In France, great efforts had been made to recruit her 
shattered armies. She made extraordinary levies, estab- 
lished a rigid conscription, in all the provinces, and raised 
large sums by extraordinary taxation. Spain, too, as it has 
been seen, showed a vigor unprecedented under its last 
three kings, and a spirit that had not animated it for half a 

At the time of the temporary cessation of hostilities, 
towards the close of the year, France was somewhat invig- 
orated and encouraged. 


Much of the gold of Mexico and Peru came floating into 
the Treasury from the Indies ; and the losses of the French 
fortified places and even the loss of battles seemed to have 
no decisive effect on the general condition of her power for 

In the year 171 1, there were no great operations in the 
field. Marlborough defied Villars and kept him in check. 
Villars was impeded, also, from active operations, by orders 
from Versailles pending negotiations. 

At length, Marlborough, tired of inactivity, broke through 
the lines of Villars by a masterly strategy, and besieged 
and took Bouchain after a desperate contest. The war in 
Spain and Piedmont was not attended with any decisive 

On another continent, however, the French had an im- 
portant success. The French fleet bombarded and took 
Rio de Janeiro and its forts, and levied heavy contributions 
on the captured city, seizing also a large amount of spoil, 
making altogether an enormous booty, estimated at 20,000,- 
000 of francs, which was an acceptable relief to the ex- 
hausted finances of France. 


Change of Administration in England.— Long Continuance of the Whigs 
in Power. — Influence of the Marlboroughs. — Growing dislilce of the 
Queen to them. — Mrs. Hill Supplants the Duchess. — Dr. Sachev- 
erell's Sermons and Tory Utterances. — His Trial. — Sympathy of the 
Mob. — The Queen favors the Tory or Peace Party. — Opinions 
throughout the Country, as to Peace. — Triumph of Sacheverell. — 
Removal of Whig Ministers. — Dissolution of Parliament. — Results 
of the new Elections. — The Tories in Power. 


In the mean time, a great political change had been tak- 
ing place in England, vs^hich was to have a paramount in- 
fluence upon the question of peace for Europe. The 
Whigs or low churchmen had been long in power: they 
held the Chief offices of the State, and controlled the votes 
of Parliament. 

Marlborough, the Lord Treasurer Godolphin, who manip- 
ulated the finances, for the former's needs in the war, and 
Sunderland, Secretary of State, Marlborough's son-in-law, 
were closely allied to the interests of the Whigs, of whom 
the Lords Somers and Halifax and Chancellor Cowper were 
the leaders. AU their actions, tended to the consolidation 
of power in Marlborough, who thus managed the State, 
while his wife governed the Queen, who gave her entire ad- 
herence and support to the Marlborough or Whig interest. 
A great change, however, had been for a long time impend- 
ing. The Duchess of Marlborough, who had long held not 
only the fullest confidence, but the affections of the Queen,* 

* Such was the equality produced by their intimacy, records Horace 
Walpole, that almost the sole remaining idea of superiority remained 
with her who had the advantage of personal charms — and, in this, there 
was no comparison. The Duchess it is said became so presumptuous 
that she would give the Queen her gloves to hold ; and on taking them 
again, would affect suddenly to turn her head away, as if her royal mis- 
tress had perspired some disagreeable effluvia. 



and whose influence with her was consequently unbounded, 
began to be supplanted by one Abagail Hill, subsequently 
Mrs. Masham, a dependent relative of the Duchess, whom 
she had placed about the Queen, in an humble capacity. 
A glass of water, thrown by the Duchess on the gown of 
Mrs. Hill, is reputed to have so raised the ire of the latter, 
as to have turned her into a formidable opponent of the 
Marlborough influence — and thus, a trivial cause, indirectly, 
under the mysterious chain of circumstances, may have 
changed the fortunes of Europe. The Queen became, dur- 
ing the year 1707, from day to day, more and more es- 
tranged from the Duchess, whose haughty manners, high 
temper and overbearing demeanor contrasted unpleasantly 
with the placid obsequiousness of the new Abagail ; who, 
finally, so fed the royal mind with flattery and innuendoes, 
under the artful instigations of Harley, who had been 
Speaker and Secretary of State, and who variously figured 
as Whig or Tory, as suited his interests, that the Queen be- 
came, towards the close of the year 1709, quite estranged 
from her former social and political affiliations. Mrs. Hill's 
proclivities in fkvor of the Stuarts, and her aversion to the 
House of Hanover, materially aided her advancement with 
her Royal Mistress. 

The former favorite, the proud Duchess, on whose 
society the Queen had been dependent for her daily happi- 
ness, in no long time, became an object of disgust and aver- 
sion : and the subsequent rapid changes in the ministry are 
supposed to have been much due to the -Queen's desire to 
have removed from her vision the mortified Duchess, who 
daily annoyed her majesty, variously, with lamentations, 
abuse, apologies and explanations — hoping thereby to re- 
gain the royal favor. The intrigues of Mrs. Hill and Har- 
ley began early in the year 1707, and were continued down 
to the ultimate triumph of the Tory party ; Mrs. Hill, then 
Mrs. Masham, as her reward, receiving the title of 
" Lady " through the promotion of her husband to a peer- 

Another humble instrument contributed to cause the 
change of views of the Queen, and indirectly to the great 


political change which was to operate on the fortunes of 
Europe. One Dr. Sachevcrell, a blatant, erratic preacher, 
had, in several sermons, indirectly attacked Whig principles 
and the Whig administration. The Doctor had boldly in- 
culcated the doctrine of passive obedience to kingship, and 
reprobated the principles of the recent Revolution. He 
had, thereby expressed, indirectly, his preference for the 
Stuart succession, with which the Queen had a strong sym- 
pathy ; looking, as she did, with no pleasure to the Hano- 
verian Succession, by which her unfortunate brother — now 
a beggar and a wanderer — would be excluded from all 
hopes of the crown. The Doctor, also, attacked, not very 
indirectly, Marlborough and his friends, particularly the 
Lord Treasurer, Godolphin ; and used words, in the course 
of his animadversions upon the acts of the last reign, that 
were charged as treasonable, by the Whigs. He was ac- 
cordingly prosecuted for treason, by the Whig Parliament, 
which, thus, unwisely, gave him undue importance ; and he 
immediately became a favorite with the mob, and was 
thereupon made an instrument, by the Tories, to work up 
a popular and party clamor. 

The Common people, delighted with a fresh excitement, 
were led by the Doctor's preaching to believe that the sup- 
posed Palladium of England, the State Church, was in dan- 
ger, from the undue tolerance to Dissenters accorded by the 
Whigs : they, accordingly, began a wild outcry against the 
administration. On this manifestation of public sentiment 
the Queen placed no little reliance, and gave it her sympa- 
thetic support. A great reaction, evidently, had set in, in 
favor of the High Church or Tory party — the party which 
was opposed to continuing the War, mainly for the reason 
that, by the War, the Marlboroughs and the Whigs were 
kept in power.* 

Englishmen at large, however, began to reason about the 
war — its causes, its advantages and its probable conse- 
quences — and to enquire what it had, so far, brought them, 
except laurels, which yielded no substantial fruit. Com- 
merce, it was said, was pining — the merchant service was de- 

* As to the various parties and their tenets at this time, vid. Ch. XXVII. 


stroyed or kept inactive — and all trade at a stand. The 
lower orders began to have surfeit of paeans and triumphal 
processions — the laudation of Marlborough and Eugene 
btegan to be tiresome — and even bonfires and illuminations 
ceased to charm. Wise thinkers, as well as pot-house pol- 
iticians, over their cups, wondered where the war was to 
stop ; and whether England had better continue to beggar 
herself and get daily deeper in debt, in order to aggrandize 
the House of Austria, or to secure the Dutch in new pos- 

Marlborough, they said, was filling his pockets ; and the 
war would be kept up so long as he could secure his annual 
plunder. He was charged with having too much power, 
and suspected of being interested in prolonging hostilities 
for selfish and personal aims ; and, it was claimed, that he 
was acting merely in the interest of Holland ; and that the 
victories in the Netherlands were of no real concern to 
England — although they well might be for that of other 
countries, who had the advantage of the large subsidies 
which were depleting the national Treasury. Loud com- 
plaints were made, too, by the Commons, that the leading 
allies of England had not furnished their proper contin- 
gents either of land or naval forces, particularly at the seat 
of War in Spain and Portugal ; nor furnished their due 
amount of subsidies for the maintenance of hostilities. 

The poverty existing throughout the country, owing to 
the drain on its resources for upwards of eight years, was 
now, in fact, felt throughout all classes — money had 
become exceedingly scarce — bankruptcies became numer- 
ous — mortgages and debts remained unpaid — the nation, 
itself, was almost in a bankrupt condition ; and the Eng- 
lish were almost as much worn out by the War as the 
French. There was a loud cry for peace from all ranks, 
except those of the extreme Whigs. Even Marlborough, 
with all his laurels, became unpopular ; and Prince Eugene, 
when he subsequently visited England, in order to influence 
the continuance of hostilities, was hooted in the streets. 

In the mean while the trial of Sacheverell was going on. 
Oldmixon, in his history of England, thus gives a graphic 


account of the excitement at London, during the trial. 
" The trial had now lasted four days ; and the Dr. had 
gone, every day, to Westminster, in a tawdry glass chariot. 
In the mean time, the cry of the Church's danger made a 
dismal sound in the eyes of the religious mob of London 
and Westminster, who, out of an extraordinary concern for 
the afflicted asserter of her rights, left their several crafts 
and callings, and crowded the streets to hail blessings on 
the Dr., and to be blessed by him. He had lodgings in 
the Temple, that he might be near his lawyers ; and from 
thence to Westminster Hall he and his companions shouted, 
as if he had been drawn along in a triumphal car. The 
Queen, going to the House of Peers, in her chair, some of 
this multitude gathered about it crying out ' God bless 
your Majesty— God bless the Church !— we hope your 
Majesty is for Dr. Sacheverell ! ' The mob compelled all 
persons they met to pull off their hats to the Dr. as they 
huzzaed him to his trial; they abused those who refused 
to worship their idol, among whom happened to be some 
members of both Houses of Parliament." 

Sacheverell, whose trial was the work of the Whigs, he 
being indicted as a treasonable ranter, received so slight a 
sentence that it was a virtual victory for him ; and, through 
him, of the Tories over the Whigs, He was made a sort of 
target for party enthusiasm ; and making a triumphal tour 
about the country, his reception gave indication of the 
changing sentiment of the higher as well as of the lower 
community. Illuminations and bonfires attested the joy 
of the roaring mob ; and banquets, cavalcades, and the 
homage of nobility and gentry, while they exalted the 
pride and pleased the vanity of the Doctor, indicated, also, 
the current public sentiment. Cunningham, a contem- 
porary writer, thus records Sacheverell's triumphal march. 
" Dr. Sacheverell, making a progress around the country, 
was looked upon as another Hercules for the Church 
Militant. Wherever he went his emissaries were sent 
before, with his pictures ; pompous entertainments were 
made for him, and a mixed multitude of country singers, 
fiddlers, priests and sextons, and a mob of all conditions, 


male and female, crowded together to meet and congratu- 
late him; among whom drunkenness, darkness and a furious 
zeal for religion extinguished all regard to modesty.* When 
this guest drew near, with his guards, he found open 
houses, lodging and entertainment ready provided for him, 
as if he had been a demigod ; and days and nights were 
spent, everywhere, in shows and the clamorous noise of 
those religious furies." 

Addresses from all parts of the Country now poured into 
the palace, congratulating the queen, as if for her triumph, 
and urging her to dissolve her recalcitrant Parliament, and 
to have the wishes of the people manifested by a new rep- 
resentation.* Under the subtle operations of Mrs. Ma- 
sham, Harley, and St. John, who had been removed from 
office as Secretary of War by the Whigs, influenced, too, by 
her own feelings, the Queen, in a short time, became a 
complete convert to Tory ideas ; and the ministers opposed 
to that party began to drop, one by one, from their places. 
The Queen had been much agitated and frightened by a 
project formed by the Whig Ministry in July, 1707, and 
encouraged by the Tory party in order to exasperate her, 
to invite the Electoral Prince of Hanover to England with 

* In treating of the Change of Ministry or Revolution in Politics, as 
being much promoted by the Sacheverell trial, a Tory pamphlet of the 
time thus gives the Tory view (1710) : 

" At the same time the eyes of the whole nation were opened by this 
impolitic trial, and the ferment it occasioned in the Capital City, instead 
of abating, spread and increased throughout the Kingdom. Hereupon 
the bulk of the nobility, gentry, clergy, substantial freeholders and good 
citizens, declared themselves loudly in the cause of their lawful monarch, 
embraced the government more warmly, and by their loyal and zealous 
applications to the throne, sought shelter under her Majesty's royal pre- 
rogative, against the impending invasions of our happy constitution in 
Church and State ; which made an alteration in the Ministry, and a dis- 
solution of the last parliament unavoidable. Thus Dr. Sacheverell's trial, 
although not the true cause, was yet the occasional means of the late 
change." — Somers' Collection, Vol. XIII. 

Bolingbroke, in his dedication to Walpole, speaking of Sacheverell, 
says, " You had a sermon to condemn, and a parson to roast ; for that I 
think was the decent language of the time ; and, to carry on the 
allegory, you roasted him at so fierce a fire that you burned yourselves." 


a view of taking up his residence there ; and this increased 
her desire to get rid of the Whigs. 

In May, 1710, the Duchess of Marlborough was removed 
from her offices at Court : her places were filled by Mrs. 
Masham and the Duchess of Somerset ; and the mortified 
wife of Marlborough was obliged to vacate her apartments 
in the palace. In June, 1710, the Earl of Sunderland, the 
foreign Secretary, ^vas removed and Lord Dartmouth, who 
was not only a Tory but a man of Jacobite proclivities, was 
appointed his successor. In August, 17 10, the Lord Treas- 
urer, Godolphin, an upright and honorable minister, and 
the great friend of Marlborough, was also removed, and 
others soon followed. Harley, (subsequently made Lord 
Oxford,) Marlborough's great enemy, was placed at the 
head of the Exchequer ; and St. John, Harley's then great 
friend and ally, became principal Secretary of State. Lord 
Cowper also resigned the seals as Chancellor, which were, 
thereupon, given to Sir Simon Harcourt, an avowed 
adherent of the Stuarts, and who had been Sacheverell's 
leading counsel. Before the close of the year, the places 
of the departing Whig Statesmen were all filled by those 
who were affiliated to Tory views. 

The King of France naturally viewed these changes in 
the Ministry with increasing satisfaction, and saw, in them, 
the safety of his Kingdom. The retirement of the men 
who had steadfastly opposed him and given vigor and 
effect to the war, and their replacement by those who 
leaned towards peace, and who were the bitter foes of his 
great antagonist, Marlborough, gave him hopes for a 
speedy deliverance from all his political troubles. Desirous 
not to embarrass the Ministry, whom he perceived would 
soon be acting indirectly in his interests, he gave secret 
orders to Villars to act, as much as possible, on the 
defensive, and wisely adopted a Fabian policy, both in the 
field and the Cabinet ; foreseeing, as he did, that the strong 
bonds of union between the allies would soon be either 
severed or so loosened that there would be room for his 
diplomatic intrigues. 

On September 15, 1710, Parliament was dissolved, and 


great efforts were made to secure a new one whose views 
might be in harmony with those of the new Ministry. 
Marlborough and his wife were attacked by paid satirists 
and Court scribblers, and outrageous charges of peculation, 
extortion and avarice were advanced against them. The 
Clergy became, under directions of Ministers, propagandists 
of the Tory interests — pamphleteers were engaged to write 
up peace — and mobs were brought together to terrify those 
who were inclined to vote for Whigs. In some places, vio- 
lence was used, and the multitude of active emissaries for 
the Tories showed that the election was to be the result of 
a strongly supported and well concocted scheme. Cunning- 
ham says of these elections, " The canvassings and elec- 
tions were carried on with such feuds as were never before 
known. In many cases, elections were carried by open 
violence. That firebrand of sedition. Dr. Sacheverell, em- 
ployed his whole time and pains to this purpose. Religion 
was looked upon as the only popular cause, in the support' 
of which all the furies were raised to procure votes^and 
ran together, as it were, to the funeral of the government, 
and the public liberty." 

As a result of the elections, the victory of the Tories was 
so complete that very little is heard of Whig principles or 
Whig statesmen during the remainder of the reign. The 
new Parliament assembled on the 25th of November, 1710, 
and a motion to return thanks to Marlborough, for his great 
services during the year, was defeated. 

These changes in England, while they cheered and en- 
couraged France, alarmed the allies, and caused apprehen- 
sion that England might, at any time, abandon them, if 
they were indisposed to unite with her in adopting peace 
measures. The rise of the Tories was, in fact, the salvation 
of France, and spared her the humiliation of the proposals 
of Gertruydenberg. The allies, at that time, could have 
made a peace most advantageous to themselves and inju- 
rious to France : their exactions, however, and the invinci- 
ble spirit of Louis had kept up the war, until he subse- 
quently gained, at Utrecht, nearly all he had ever contended 


Negotiations for Peace between England and France. — Indirect ap- 
proaches by England. — The Abb6 Gaultier. — His interview with 
De Torcy. — Secret Negotiations. — Prior sent to France. — ^Death of 
the Emperor Joseph I. — Effect of his Decease on Peace Negotia- 
tions. — Negotiations continued. — Attitude of Austria. — The Emper- 
or's manifesto.— The Dutch still Opposed to Peace. — Action of the 
British Parliament.— Final Agreement by the Cabinets of England and 
Holland, to make Arrangements for a Permanent Peace.— The 12th 
of January, 1712, fixed on, for the Peace Session.— Speech of Queen 
Anne. — New Peers created. — Personal Views of St. John. — Extract 
from a Tory Pamphlet. — War of the Pamphleteers. 


England, controlled now by a Tory administration, 
showed an evident desire for the cessation of the war. In 
Jan., lyii.she made overtures for peace; at first, through 
obscure diplomacy — rather intimating than expressing her 
real desires — but Louis eagerly grasped the opportunity to 
enter into negotiations with her, apart from the other allies. 
England's desire for peace was, doubtless, somewhat stim- 
ulated by the success of the French in Spain, which counter- 
balanced their defeats in Flanders. The removal of the 
King of Spain seemed no longer a matter of debate : con- 
sequently England was now, actually, in the rather anoma- 
lous condition, of manoeuvring in the interest of a Peace 
with France, having for its base the maintenance of a Bour- 
bon on the Spanish throne — the very fact of his succession 
having caused her to enter into the war. 

France was not slow to practically avail herself of the in- 
dications shown by England ; and the Abb^ Gaultier, an 
adroit priest, who had been chaplain to Marshal Taliard, 
during his embassy, and had remained in England as Louis' 
secret observer and agent there, was directed to sound the 
ministry. He was also actually employed as a mouthpiece 



for the English, in their efforts to ascertain the French 
ideas, and to intimate, delicately, to the French Court, that 
the English government was not unwilling to enter into ne- 
gotiations, and that the wishes of Holland, in the matter, 
might now be considered as of secondary importance. On 
the arrival of Gaultier at Versailles, in January, 171 1, he 
went immediately to the apartment of the Minister, to 
whom he was personally known. "Do you want peace?" 
said he, brusquely, " if you do, I bring you the means of 
treating for it, and to finish it, independently of the Dutch, 
unworthy as they are of the King's good graces, and of the 
honor he has done them, in so often treating with them, for 
the pacification of Europe." "Asking for peace, at that 
time," says De Torcy, " of a minister of France, was like ask- 
ing a sick man if he wanted to get well." When Gaultier's 
position in the matter was ascertained, and his authority 
somewhat verified, it was signified in moderate shape, 
through him, to the English Court, that France would, if it 
treated at all, now only deal with the English, and not 
with the Dutch : and a brief general memoir of what the 
French were willing to base the negotiations upon, was 
transmitted through Gaultier to the English Ministry. 
The poet Prior, in conjunction with Gaultier, was subse- 
quently secretly sent to France to negotiate for more par- 
ticular propositions, and to communicate the demands of 
England : on Prior's return to England, Menager, the 
French diplomatic agent, returned with him, but his arri- 
val was kept secret. In these various negotiations, all 
question of the removal of Philip, from Spain, seemed to 
be abandoned. 

In the mean while an event occurred which accelerated the 
return of peace. The Emperor Leopold had died in 1705 ; 
and now died, suddenly, of the small-pox, in April, 171 1, 
Joseph I., his oldest son, who had succeeded him in the 
crown of the Empire. Joseph left no male children, so that 
the Archduke Charles, his brother, the Pretender to the 
Spanish crown, according to the then recognized custom for 
the Imperial succession, was soon after elected to the 
Imperial throne ; and subsequently crowned at Frank- 


fort. It was evident, therefore, that, if the purport of the 
preUminaries of 1709 were carried out, the Spanish domin- 
ions would be united to the Imperial crown, and the Euro- 
pean balance disturbed by the union of Spanish and German 
interests, which, it was by many considered, would be quite 
as perilous to the other States of Europe, as if a Bourbon 
was to remain seated on the Spanish throne. Indeed, more 
so ; for, in the former case, there would be a unification of 
crowns — while in the latter, they were actually distinct, and 
a unification would not take place unless by the happening 
of somewhat remote contingencies. 

A powerful motive for peace, more particularly felt in 
England, and urged by the Ministers in order to influence 
Parliamentary action, was the fact that the existence and 
integrity of a great state, like France, was necessary, as a 
counterpoise to the growing power of Austria. The figures 
of the expenses in conducting the war, too, were com- 
mented on; the supplies voted, for the year 171 1, being 
£6,(X)0,oco. Subsequently, {August, 171 1,) negotiations 
were carried on at London ; and preliminary articles of Peace 
were offered by France, in Oct., 171 1, through M. Menager, 
as a special representative for the purpose, and were signed 
by the two Secretaries of State, on the part of England. 
These n,egotiations were conducted secretly ; but, on the 
signature of the preliminaries, they were transmitted to 
Count Gallas, the Imperial Minister, in a shape somewhat 
modified in favor of Holland, but were received both in 
Germany, and Holland, with universal indignation : in Eng- 
land, too, they were ridiculed ; and lampoons and satires 
against the Queen and Ministers flew about that country. 

The substance of these preliminaries was, that the 
Crowns of France and Spain should be forever disunited, 
that advantageous commercial regulations should be made 
with Great Britain and Holland, for traffic in Spain, the 
Indies, and the Mediterranean ports ; and that the Dutch 
should have a sufficient barrier, by the possession of certain 
fortified towns in the Netherlands. The destruction of 
Dunkirk was also provided for, and the restitution of the 
Elector of Bavaria to his Dominions and estates. Nothing 


was said, in these preliminaries, as to any retirement of the 
King's grandson, but he was to renounce Naples, Sardinia 
and the Duchy of Milan. There was also to be full recog- 
nition of the rights of Queen Anne to the British Crown, 
and of the subsequent succession, as established by Parlia- 
ment. These secret negotiations with England, in which a 
strong disposition for peace was shown, on either side, irre- 
spective very much of the wishes of Holland in the matter, 
led to preparations for the open final treaty. 

The Queen gave a secret private audience to M. Menager, 
before his departure from London, at which she thus 
expressed herself : "I do not like war. I will do every- 
thing I can to terminate this one, as soon as possible. 
I would like to live on good terms with a King, with whom 
I am allied by blood. And, I hope, that our accord will 
promote peace and good feeling between our subjects." 

The Earl of Strafford, the English Minister at the Hague, 
was directed to communicate to the Pensionary the state of 
the negotiations that had been commenced at London, and 
to explain why the proceedings had been kept secret. The 
English Government, also, gave the Pensionary to under- 
stand that, if Holland desired to further carry on the War, 
she, England, desired repose, and could no longer be 
drained by subsidies. The government, however, expressed 
the desire, in treating for peace, to do so, with the assent 
and in the interest of all the allies ; but indicated that, if 
Holland held back, England would negotiate with France, 

Although it was apparent that the English administratiori 
was in favor of peace, the Dutch, who were still for carrying 
on the war, or for making peace only on the rigid terms of 
the Gertruydenberg demands, hoped that the bulk of the 
people in England and the old public sentiment there 
would still influence the government to continue hostilities : 
the Queen, however, had definitely made up her mind for 
peace, and took every means to further its conclusion. 

In the mean while, Austria was standing aloof — sullenly 
regarding all these efforts at negotiation, and protesting 
against peace, on any terms, except on the condition of the 


removal of the Bourbon from Spain. She took special 
umbrage at the action of England, in treating separately, 
and referred to the obligations of the compact of the High 
Alliance, which expressly forbade separate treaties, and the 
Emperor solemnly appealed to the Electors, Princes and 
States of' the Empire to support his views. In November, 
171 1, the Emperor sent a communication to the States 
General, protesting against, what he terms " the artifices of 
the enemy, by which they design the loss of the Spanish 
Crown to Austria " — -" which," he says, " can never be 
sufficiently deplored ; for which only, and for preserving it 
in our Imperial family, and, at the same time, for maintain- 
ing the peace of Europe, this War was undertaken — ten 
years have been spent in fighting, and much blood spilt, so 
that nothing more grievous or more fatal could happen in 
the world ! " The Emperor further protested against the 
preliminaries put forth by France, as absurd in the extreme, 
and as a shrewd attempt to divide the allies, when the King 
of France "cannot," he states, " stand, in view of the armies 
of the allies — when he is not secure anywhere — neither in 
the field nor in his fortified towns ; when, having lost part 
of his forces and of his places, he is afraid that, very sud- 
denly, the war will be carried into the very heart of his 
Kingdom ! Can one help being justly irritated against 
those, who, having been so often deceived by the trickery of 
the French, will venture to try once more the good faith 
which they always promise, but never keep — who give 
assistance to their enemies, abandon their allies, renounce 
their alliances, and, in a word, make use of their own victo- 
ries to prepare a yoke for their own posterity ? " The 
Emperor further urges the States General to unite with him, 
in endeavoring to dissuade England from entertaining the 
proposed preliminaries, to prosecute the war, and not to put 
their trust in the fidelity of French promises. The Em- 
peror thus concludes his manifesto : 

"As for us, whatever consequences this affair may have, 
we utterly reject these preliminaries, as well for the present 
as hereafter ; and we will not, by any means, permit our 
Ambassadors to assist in the conferences, which are pro- 


posed for treating upon them : but, rather, we will exert all 
our efforts, as we are actually doing, that our armies, partic- 
ularly those in Catalonia, may be reestablished and reen- 
forced; and that all the world may be convinced that it is, 
in nowise, any fault of ours, that the war is not carried on 
to a happy issue ; and that a peace, firm, lasting and advan- 
tageous to all the allies, is not restored to the universe." 

The Dutch continued still indisposed to peace, unless it 
were of such a nature as to entirely humble the common 
enemy and insure a complete determination of all pending 
questions — and, particularly, to remove the Bourbon dy- 
nasty from Spain. In November, 171 1, it was urged in the 
Council of State of the United Provinces that, " To all 
the conquests of the allies no more was wanting than a 
hand's breadth of ground ; that magazines of food and prov- 
ender should be laid up,, during the winter, on the French 
frontier, and that, early in the Spring, the allies should give 
battle to the French, and then, penetrating to the sources of 
the Schelde, the Somme, the Oise, and so on to the Seine, 
they should march into the very Capital of France, and there, 
in the heart of the Kingdom, dictate their own terms of 
peace." It was urged also that, " since the year 1702, very 
much blood has been shed, many Provinces, towns and com- 
munities laid waste, and an infinite number of people, in 
divers parts, brought to poverty and misery." The extraor- 
dinary burthens of taxation, also, were enumerated, and 
the disturbance of all the commercial and financial business, 
upon which the Dutch were dependent for their national re- 
sources and power. In Parliament, which assembled in Dec, 
171 1, the Queen openly declared her desire for peace, and 
stated what had been done to further that end. The 
Whigs in the House, however, were still violent in opposi- 
tion, but, after a long and acrimonious discussion, the 
peace party carried their measures, by a large majority. In 
the Lords the peace party was unsuccessful by one vote. 



In spite of the arguments of the Emperor, it began to be 
evident to the people of Europe, that there existed no fur- 
ther real cause for the continuance of a war that had been 
desolating Europe for the last ten years. Ten years of 
bloodshed had practically become useless. The force of 
circumstances, if not that of war, seemed destined to accom- 
plish the cherished policy of Louis, and carry out, at the 
end, the will of Charles II. The policy of a European 
balance, it was thought, would be carried out by provision 
for the severance of the crowns, and whether the new stock 
of Spain was to be Bourbon or not was of no deep concern. 
There was a growing feeling for peace, particularly, as the 
main object of the war appeared now merely to be the fur- 
ther humiliation of Louis, and the aggrandizement of the 
House of Austria. 

Towards the end of November, 171 1, the Cabinets of Eng- 
land and the States General, in appearance, at least, finally 
concurred in taking permanent steps for the final liegotia- 
tions for peace, and the settlement of all questions arising 
during the War. The 12th of January (N. S.) of the ensu- 
ing year was fixed upon for the opening of the Congress ; 
and Utrecht was designated as the place of meeting. Circu- 
lar letters were addressed from the English State OfiSce, 
signed by St. John, to all the allies that had been engaged in 
the war, notifying them of the meeting, and requesting them 
punctually to send their plenipotentiaries to the Congress. 

In order to place the events of the time more pictur- 
esquely in view, it may be not uninteresting to record here 
the speech of Queen Anne, in December, 171 1, to her Par- 
liament, on the proposed peace. The address as a State 
paper supposed to emanate from a sovereign mind, in dig- 
nity, spirit, and directness of purpose, compares favorably 
with similar bald and indefinite State communications of the 
present day. 

"My Lords and Gentlemen: I have called you to- 
gether as soon as the public affairs would permit ; and I am 
glad that I can now tell you, that, notwithstanding the arts 


of those who delight in war, both place and time are ap- 
pointed for opening the treaty of a general peace. Our 
allies, (especially the States General,) whose interests I look 
upon as inseparable from my own, have, by their ready con- 
currence, Expressed their entire confidence in me ; and, I 
have no reason to doubt but that my own subjects are as- 
sured of my particular care of them. My chief concern 
is, that the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of 
these nations may be continued to you, by securing the suc- 
cession to the Crown, as it is limited by Parliament, to the 
House of Hanover. I shall endeavor, that, after a war, 
which has cost so much blood and Treasure, you may find 
your interest in trade and commerce improved and enlarged 
by a Peace, with all other advantages which a tender and 
affectionate sovereign can procure for a dutiful and loyal 
people. The Princes and States, which have been en- 
gaged with us in this war, being, by Treaties, entitled to 
have their several interests secured at a peace, I will not 
only do my utmost power to secure every one of them all 
reasonable satisfaction, but I shall also unite them in the 
strictest engagements for continuing the alliance, in order 
to render the general Peace secure and lasting. The best 
way to have this Treaty effectual will be to make early 
provision for the Campaign ; therefore, I must ask of you, 
Gentlemen of the House of Commons, the necessary sup- 
plies for the next year's war ; and I do most earnestly rec- 
ommend you to make such despatch therein, as may con- 
vince our enemies that, if we cannot obtain a good peace, 
we are prepared to carry on the war, with vigor. Whatever 
you give will still be in your own power to apply, and I 
doubt not but, in a little time, after the opening of the 
Treaty, we shall be able to judge of its event." 

After speaking further of the onerous taxes incurred by 
the war, and the prostration of the manufacturing interests, 
and of abuses and evils to be redressed, the Queen thus con- 
cludes : 

" My Lords and Gentlemen : I cannot conclude, with- 
out earnestly recommending to you all unanimity, and that 


you will carefully avoid everything which may give occasion 
to the enemy to think us a people divided amongst our- 
selves, and, consequently, prevent our obtaining that good 
Peace of which we have such reasonable hopes and so near 
a view. I pray God direct your consultations to this end, 
that, being delivered from the hardships of war, we may 
become a happy and flourishing people." 

In the mean while, pending the major deliberations, 
Great Britain made a special compact with Holland, those 
Powers mutually binding themselves " to continue the war, 
if necessary, until a general peace be obtained and estab- 
lished, and duly observed and carried out ; and that all in- 
fractions thereof should be prevented." A similar compact 
was made with the Emperor. 

In order to the final success of the Tories, who were be- 
ginning to totter, under the attacks and intrigues of the 
Whigs, and to precipitate Peace measures, 12 new Peers 
were created late in Dec, 171 1, with which reenforcement 
the Tories carried the necessary measures through both 
Houses ; and there was no further obstacle to the success 
of their plans. Among the new obsequious peers was 
Samuel Masham, husband of the famous intrigante* The 
House received an abrupt answer of the Queen to their ad- 
dress, to the effect " that she thought her former speech to 
both Houses would have given satisfaction to everybody ; 
and that she had given instructions to her plenipotentiaries 
to act according to the desire of that address." The House 
of Lords, then under direction of the Queen, adjourned to 
the 14th January, 1712, the day fixed for the meeting of 
the Commons. 

In a letter, written by St. John to the Earl of Strafford, 
Dec, 171 1, he thus strongly expresses his personal views 
and desires, as to peace ; " As to my conduct in the nego- 
tiations for a peace, I shall want no justification. I have, 
it is true, acted as boldly, in the promoting that good work, 
as your lordship used to do, when you thought the interest 

* It is related that when the twelve new Peers first appeared in the 
House of Lords, they were sarcastically asked, by a witty Whig peer, " if 
they were going to vote separately, or by l\i€\x foreman."' 


of your country at stake ; and I tell you, without any gas- 
conade, that I had rather be banished for my whole life, be- 
cause I have helped to make the peace, than be raised to the 
highest honors, for having continued to obstruct it. How- 
ever, God be praised — we run no risk of this kind — the eyes 
of mankind are opened, and they begin to see the falsehood 
of that system of policy on which we have acted, for so 
many years." And banished, indeed, he was, — for his ac- 
tion in the matter — when subsequently, the Whigs obtained 
the reins of government ; and he was forced into exile, in 
order to save his head. 

While the above negotiations were going on in England, 
Louis sent numerous despatches to Spain, urging the King 
to do what he could, to dispose his subjects towards views 
of peacCj under the new preliminaries, which would retain 
him on the Spanish throne. Louis urged him, also, to send 
Plenipotentiaries to the proposed Congress, although Eng- 
land and Holland had expressed a disinclination to recognize 
any representatives from Spain, at the Sessions. He also 
requested Philip to send him a full power, authorizing him 
to treat with England, in behalf of the Spanish crown. In 
Dec, 171 1, Philip, accordingly, sent a full and formal writ- 
ten power, authorizing Louis to enter into treaties in be- 
half of Spain ; reciting that the power was given, because it 
had been stated that Plenipotentiaries from Spain would not 
be recognized. In this power it is specially provided that 
there should be no dismemberment of the Spanish country 
nor of the Indies. ^ 

In the mean while the Ministry in England were active in 
infusing into the public mind a desire for peace, and the 
pamphleteers were busy in circulating their views. One 
of the most effective papers, written by Swift, just before 
the session of the Congress, produced a great effect upon 
the public mind, and created a lively sensation in political 
circles, in that it boldly advocated a separate peace with 
France, if none other could be made. A few brief extracts 
from Swift's pamphlet on " The conduct of the allies " will 
place the Tory side of the argument in a strong light. 

" As to the war, our grievances are, that a greater load 


has been put upon us than was either just or necessary, or 
that we have been able to bear ; that the grossest imposi- 
tions have been submitted to, for the advancement of pri- 
vate wealth and power, or, in order to further the more dan- 
gerous designs of a faction, to both which a peace would 
have put an end ; and that the part of the war, which was 
chiefly our province, which would have been most bene- 
ficial to us and destructive to the enemy, was neglected. 
Those who are fond of continuing the war, cry up our con- 
stant success, at a most prodigious rate ; and reckon it in- 
finitely greater than, in all human probability, we had any 
reason to hope. Ten glorious campaigns are passed ; and 
now, at last, like the sick man, we are just expiring with all 
sorts of good symptoms. If, after such miraculous doings, 
we are not yet in a condition of bringing France to our 
terms, nor can tell when we shall be so, although we should 
proceed without any reverse of fortune, what could we 
look for, in the ordinary course of things, but a Flanders' 
war of twenty years longer? Do the advisers of this war, 
indeed, think a town taken for the Dutch is a sufficient rec- 
ompense to us for 6,000,000 of money ; which is of so little 
consequence to determine the war, that the French may 
yet hold out a dozen years more, and afford a new town 
every campaign, at the same price? 

" I say not this to detract from the army or its leaders. 
Getting into the enemies' lines, passing rivers and taking 
towns may be actions attended with many glorious circum- 
stances ; but, when all this brings no solid advantage to 
us, when it has no other end than to enlarge the territories 
of the Dutch, and to increase the fame and wealth of our 
General, I conclude, however it comes about, that things 
are not as they should be, and that surely our forces and 
money might be better employed, both toward reducing our 
enemy and working out some benefit to ourselves. But the 
case is still much harder; we are destroying many thou- 
sand lives, exhausting our substance — not for our own inter- 
ests, which would be but common prudence^not for a thing 
indifferent, which would be sufficient folly — but, perhaps, 
to our own destruction, which is perfect madness. We may 


live to feel the effects of our own valor more sensibly than 
from all the consequences we imagine from the dominion of 
Spain in the Duke of Anjou. We have conquered a noble 
territory for the States, that will maintain suiificient troops 
to defend itself and feed many hundred thousand inhabit- 
ants, where all encouragement will be given to introduce 
and encourage manufactures, which was the only advan- 
tage they wanted ; and which, added to their skill, industry 
and parsimony, will enable them to undersell us in every 
market in the world. 

" What arts have been used, to persuade the people that 
Britain must inevitably be ruined, without the recovery of 
Spain to the House of Austria — making the safety of a 
great and powerful kingdom, as ours was, then, to depend 
upon an event which, after a war of miraculous successes, 
has been found impracticable ! As if great Princes- and 
Ministers could find no way of settling the public tranquil- 
lity, without changing the possessions of Kingdoms and 
forcing sovereigns upon a people without their inclination. 

" Is there no security for the island of Britain, unless a 
King of Spain be dethroned by the hands of his grand- 
father.'' Has the enemy no towns or sea-ports to give us 
for securing trade ? The present King of France has but a 
few years to live, by the course of nature ; and, doubtless, 
would desire to end his days in peace. Grandfathers, in 
private families, have no great influence on their grandsons, 
and, I believe, they have much less among Princes ; — how- 
ever, when the authority of a parent is gone, is it likely 
that Philip will be directed by a brother, against his own 
interest and that of his subjects? — Have not those two 
realms their separate maxims of policy, which must oper- 
ate in the times of peace? Those, at least, are proba- 
bilities ; and cheaper at least, by six millions a year, than 
recovering Spain or continuing the War — both which seem 
absolutely impossible. But the common question is, if we 
must now surrender Spain, what have we been fighting for, 
all this while ? The answer is ready ; we have been fight- 
ing for the ruin of the public interest and the advancement 
of a private. We have been fighting to raise the wealth 

TBE "PAPER" WAR. 2 19 

and grandeur of z. particular family — to enrich usurers and 
stock jobbers — and to cultivate the pernicious designs of a 
faction, by destroying the landed interest. 

" The nation is now beginning to think these things are 
not worth fighting for, any longer, and therefore desires a 

The insinuations against Marlborough, in the above ex- 
tract, are not at all obscure. Never was paper war so 
rancorous as at this period and up to the final treaties 
of peace ; and never had one been so ably conducted. 
Pamphlets and caricatures, in those days, filled the place 
of modern journalism.* The Essayists and pamphleteers, 
being supported and supposed to be' instructed by party 
leaders, officials and Ministers, had a stronger influence and 
a much greater importance, than if they merely gave ex- 
pression to their individual views. Their productions were 
eagerly read, and had great effect in forming and directing 
public opinion. Addison wrote several tracts and con- 
tributed to Steele's Taller, the Guardian, and the Whig 
Examiner. Both of those effective writers advocated the 
views of the Whigs, as also did Bishop Burnet, Congreve 
and Rowe. Earl Cowper, the Whig Lord Chancellor, and 
the chief of that party, also condescended to enter the 
arena of the Pamphleteers, and wrote a paper in the Tatler, 
in response to St. John's violent partisan letter in the 
Examiner. \ Swift, who had joined the Tories, in 1710, 
being disappointed in his hopes of preferment from the 
WhigSj did effective work for his new employers, in the 
Examiner, denouncing the Marlboroughs and the Whigs, 
in vituperative terms. His paper on "The Conduct of 
the Allies" went through four editions in a week. St. 
John, Arbuthnot, Prior, and Atterbury were also bitter 
and active with their 'pens, in aid of the Tory views and 
peace. The first twelve papers of the Examiner were writ- 
ten by one or other of these earnest advocates for making 
the great political - change. De Foe, also, was active as a 

* The petty newspapers of the time being mere budgets of occur- 
rences and rumors. 
tSee Appendix. 


pamphleteer, in opposition to the war, although he subse- 
quently condemned the terms of peace. So violent in 
their attacks were the political writers of the day, that the 
Pillory was often put in acquisition to cool their party 
zeal ; and sometimes their productions were burned by the 
hangman. Against Swift's pamphlet on the " Conduct of 
the Allies " many answering tracts appeared. The most 
effective was one supposed to have been written by Dr. 
Francis Hare, the Chaplain of the Duke of Marlborough. 
The number of answers and the constant reference to " The 
Conduct of the Allies," in the writings of the day, exhibit 
the irritation Swift's pamphlet caused to the Whig leaders, 
and also the injury it was doubtless causing to their party, 
in leading public opinion against the war, and the princi- 
ples of the Whigs. Dr. Hare's pamphlet thus concludes, 
in an invective against Swift's tract : " Having sufficiently 
discovered the wicked design of this vile book, and pointed 
at general solutions of almost all the fallacies 'tis filled 
with, and given such ample proof of the writer's integrity 
and honesty, I shall conclude with desiring all honest and 
impartial men not to believe, upon the infamous author's 
bare word, that we are under any real necessity of conclud- 
ing against the consent of our allies, and in breach of so 
many treaties, a most just, necessary, and successful war, 
by a scandalous and insecure peace ! " 


Opposition of Marlborough, Prince Eugene and Heinsius to Peace. — 
Charges in England, against Marlborough. — He is Dismissed from 
all his Employments. — The Duke of Ormond replaces him as Com- 
mander-in-Chief. — Plans of Marlborough and Eugene to prevent 
Peace. — Action of the Envoys of Germany, Holland and Hanover, 
in England. — Departure of Prince Eugene, from England. 



Marlborough, Eugene and Heinsius were still bitterly 
opposed to peace. They availed themselves of every re- 
source to prevent further negotiations, and, by even under- 
hand efforts, at London, sought to change the ministry and 
to dispose the Queen J;o side with their views. In these 
efforts they were aided by the agents of Austria and of 
Savoy. In the mean while, although attacked at home on 
all sides, by Parliament, Ministers and Pamphl&teers, Marl- 
borough was steadily doing his duty, and manifesting, in his 
campaign of 1 711, the same vigor and generalship which 
had theretofore marked him as the greatest commander of 
the time: his operations, however, during 1711, were de- 
rided, in Parliament, and stigmatized as petty and futile ; 
and new charges of peculation were framed against him. 
The Pamphleteers also kept up their attacks on the char- 
acter and services of the Duke, and the Parliamentary pro- 
ceedings were continued, with a spirit of resentment and 
bitterness against him, that showed that nothing would 
satisfy the Tories but his complete disgrace and overthrow. 
In May, 1711, the triumph of Harley had been made more 
evident : he having been raised to the peerage, by the title 
of Earl of Oxford and Mortimer, and appointed Lord High 

On the return of Marlborough to London in November, 



171 1, all manner of stories were circulated to his discredit. 
He was charged, among other matters, with retaining the 
sum of ^420,000, destined for war purposes ; and with hav- 
ing received annual presents from those charged with dis- 
tributing the subsidies ; against all which he manfully and 
effectually defended himself. Pending the investigation 
of these charges the Queen, induced thereto by her Council, 
who had long decided on his removal, dismissed the Great 
General from all his public employments — this occurred on 
the 31st December, 171 1. In his letter to the Queen, the 
Duke states, " Madame, I am very sensible of the honor 
your Majesty does me in dismissing me from your service, 
by a letter of your own hand ; though I find by it, that my 
enemies have been able to prevail with your Majesty to do 
it, in a manner that is most injurious to me ; and if their 
malice and inveteracy against me had not been more power- 
ful, with them, than the consideration of Your Majesty's 
honor and justice, they would not have influenced you to 
impute the occasion of my dismission to a false and mali- 
cious insinuation contrived by themselves, and made pub- 
lic when there was no opportunity for me to give in my an- 
swer, which they must needs be conscious would fully de- 
tect the falsehood and malice of their aspersions, and not 
leave them that handle for bringing your Majesty to such 
extremities against me." 

This dismissal of Marlborough was, of course, a matter 
of great exultation in France. Louis had felt insecure of 
success, either in war or in making peace, while Marlbor- 
ough had the control of armies or influence in the English 
Councils; and he is reported to have said, exultingly, when 
the news was brought to him, " The dismissal of Marlbor- 
ough will do all we can desire." 

While the war had been raging in Europe, the bloody 
business had not been neglected in America. It had been 
going on from Florida to Canada on no large scale, but 
with bitterness and cruelty. It consisted, mainly, of petty 
contests and surprises on the frontiers, the destruction of 
unprotected villages and the massacre of th«ir inhabitants : 
in which operations both parties obtained the aid of the native 


savages, as auxiliaries. Prowling bands of these, as oppor- 
tunity offered, penetrated even to the heart of New Eng- 
land, and kept it in a state of agitation and alarm ; and the 
scalping of women and children and the burning of peace- 
ful homes theoretically contributed their quota of the glory 
attenc^ant upon the military operations of the war of the 
Succession, but added little to the result. Canada, New- 
foundland and Nova Scotia were made points of attack, at 
different times, by the English and Colonial forces. The 
most important English expedition was that set on foot in 
the Spring of 171 1, by St. John, with the object of subdu- 
ing Canada, and in fact, all North America then in French 

The expedition consisted of a fleet of fifteen ships of war 
and forty transports, carrying among other troops seven 
veteran regiments from Marlborough's army. These were 
commanded by Brigadier Hill, commonly called " Jack Hill," 
a brother of the notorious Mrs. Masham, and elevated to 
his post, although quite incompetent for it, in order to spite 
the Marlboroughs. In connection with the expedition New 
England colonists prepared to attack Montreal, aided by 
600 warriors of the Six Nations ; while to defend that place 
and Quebec, Hurons, Ojibwas, and Abenakis congregated 
within their walls and held their council fires with the 
French. Useless delays and incompetency both of Ad- 
miral and General, on the English side, caused the complete 
failure of the expedition and the loss of about 900 men 
drowned in ascending the St. Lawrence. 

After the dismissal of Marlborough, the Duke of Ormond 
was sent to replace him as commander of the army. Marl- 
borough, indignant at his treatment and frustrated in his 
plans, through the creation of the new peers, who, in the 
House of Lords, determined the majority for peace, nov/ 
entered into the most desperate resolutions and plans, as is 
alleged by some writers, in connection with Prince Eugene, 
who on his visit to England was coldly received by the 
Queen and Ministers. He and Marlborough, finding all 
diplomacy and secret intrigue of no avail, sought to make 
a rebellion, beginning, as is actually charged by some con- 


temporaneous writers, with the taking off the heads of some 
of Marlborough's enemies; while Eugene advocated the 
setting fire to London, in different quarters, the capture of 
the Tower and the Bank, and the seizing the person of the 
Queen ; and, in the mean time, the Electoral Prince of 
Hanover, the heir presumptive to the Crown, might make 
a landing. These statements, however, of the proposed 
violent measures of Marlborough and Eugene have not re- 
ceived general credence, but are supposed to have ema- 
nated from the brains of Tory emissaries. The Hano- 
verian envoy, Bothmar, and Count Gallas, the envoy of the 
Emperor, united with Eugene and Marlborough in their 
general plans to frustrate the progress of peace — and also 
the Dutch Minister. Count Gallas, on account of his per- 
sistent action in opposition to the government, was forbid- 
den the court ; and he was notified that no further com- 
munications would be received from him. 

The Dutch Minister, Buys, leaving England subse- 
quently, to take part in the deliberations at Utrecht, was 
thus addressed by the Grand Treasurer, on departing; 
" You have behaved yourself, here, not like the Minister of 
a friendly power, but, like an incendiary, sent to set every- 
thing on fire. All your intrigues, that you thought secret, 
are known to us — even your slightest conversation with 
your friends." Buys took this address with Dutch phlegm ; 
and his sensibilities were not sufficiently disturbed to cause 
him to refuse the looo pistoles that the Grand Treasurer 
brusquely handed over to him, with no more words than, 
" Here, — take these lOOO pistoles, that the Queen presents 

While the plenipotentiaries were settling themselves to 
their work at Utrecht, Prince Eugene continued at London, 
to obstruct the action of the peace p^irty, and to raise such 
troubles and discontent between Queen and Ministers, and 
the political factions of Whig and Tory and the Stuart mal- 
contents, as might disturb or frustrate the peac6 negotia- 
tions. The Prince made many efforts to open formal nego- 
tiations with the Ministers, on the subject of the War, and 
presented a memorial from the Emperor, offering to double 


his contingents, and materially increase his contribution 
towards its expenses. All his advances were politely but 
coldly received ; and he found himself the subject of delays 
and equivocations. The desperate views of Eugene and 
his friends, not being seconded by the leading Whigs ; and 
finding all his proposals treated with neglect by the Queen 
and Ministers, and himself made an object of prejudice and 
suspicion, he determined to leave England. 

There was, of course, under all these plots and various 
views of parties and partisans, great contention between 
those respectively desiring peace or war ; and the country 
was kept in a disturbed and excited condition. Great pre- 
cautions were taken for the Queen's safety — her guards 
being doubled. Eugene also was guarded by troops, under 
pretence of escort ; until, humiliated and angered, he, at 
last, to the relief of the Queen and the Ministers, departed 
from England, on the 17th March, 17 12. 

Eugene thus speaks of his disappointment, in his me- 
moirs : " I have entered France on more sides than one, and 
it is not my fault that I did not penetrate farther. But for 
the English, I should have given law in the Capital of the 
Grand Monarque, and shut up his Maintenon in a convent 
for life." 


The Congress at Utrecht. — The City of Utrecht. — Regulations for the 
Sessions. — Forms to be Observed. — The Mode of Procedure. — The 
States Represented. — The Ambassadors and other Personages. — 
Opening of Conferences. — Etiquette observed. — Opening Address by 
the Bishop of Bristol. — Reply of the French Ambassadors. — The 
Demands of the Various States. — Effect, in England, of the French 
Demands. — Opposition in Parliament. — Protest of the Pretender. 


The City of Utrecht had been decided on as the place 
where the plenipotentiaries should meet, and the time in- 
dicated was the I2th of January, 1712. 

Utrecht was a large and handsome town situated on an 
ancient channel of the Rhine, about 18 miles South-east of 
Amsterdam, and the capital of the province of the same 
name, which was formerly an independent Bishopric — the 
last Bishop having sold out his dominions to Charles V., 
in 1528. The City was, at this time, about three miles in 
circumference, without its suburbs, which were extensive, 
and adorned with gardens, groves, summer houses and 
agreeable promenades. Broad avenues and streets covered 
with trees adorned the town, which was celebrated for the 
purity and salubrity of its air ; causing it to be a place of 
frequent resort by strangers. The Session of the Congress 
attracted many to the place— some for amusement, some 
from interest in the proceedings. 

The City, during the session of the Congress, was also 
numerously attended by merchants, dealers, adventurers 
and gay people of either sex. Theatrical troupes were 
also present, in great force ; and balls, banquets and Te 
Deums, celebrating the birthdays of the various monarchs, 
represented by the foreign ministers present, many of them 
with their families, made the town a very lively one for the 



period of over fifteen months, during which the Congress 
was in session. As may be well believed, there was much 
ado at Utrecht, when the news was made known that it had 
been selected as the place for the session of the great 
Peace Congress. The little City began immediately to be- 
stir itself ; and the " Noble and Venerable Lords, the Bur- 
gomasters, Burghers, Masters, and Magistrates," on receipt 
of the news, bethought themselves that it would be wise 
and decorous for them, to depute a commission of their 
number, as they state in their resolution, " To congratulate 
and compliment the Lords, Plenipotentiaries and the Pub- 
lic Ministers upon their arrival ; and to confer and concert 
with the said Lords, about making such a proper regula- 
tion for their domestics, as may tend to the preserving of 
good order and tranquillity ; as also for regulating, with the 
said Lords Plenipotentiaries, such other affairs as shall hap- 
pen." Among other things all tradesmen were warned 
that they were not to arrest or detain for debt the persons, 
domestics or effects of any of the foreign ambassadors. 
Special provision was also made, by the magistrates, for 
the movements of the couriers that were to carry the de- 
spatches of the various envoys, and " the City carriers were 
to keep ready, day and night, in the City suburbs of the 
' White Gate,' a good running chaise and two good horses ; 
and as soon as one chaise should be gone with a courier, 
another should be ready in its place, with two other horses 
for setting out, at the first word, either by day or night." 

The Burgomasters and magistrates of Utrecht had a 
troublesome task on their hands to maintain peace between 
the townspeople, (who, of course, were violent partisans 
of the allies), and the followers and servants of the various 
Ambassadors, who favored the French. All persons were 
forbidden by proclamation " to presume, in the least wise, 
to rail against, slander or abuse, by any word or deed 
whatsoever, the said Lords, the Public Ministers or those 
of their retinue ; and all transgressing was to be punished 
arbitrarily and corporeally, according to the exigency of the 

In December, 171 1, the Plenipotentiaries gathering from 


all Europe were proceeding on their way to Utrecht ; spe- 
cial passports having been issued to them, for their safe 
passage and conduct, and for that of their servants and ef- 
fects. By mutual understanding, the Ministers of the dif- 
ferent governments were to attend only in the rank and 
name of " Plenipotentiaries," so as to avoid as much as pos- 
sible, all disputes about ceremonial procedure as " Ambas- 
sadors," and the delay the same might occasion. 

The order and mode of the proceedings at the Congress 
were regulated by the Deputies, with great care. The re- 
spective Plenipotentiaries were to come to the conferences 
in a coach, with not over two horses and a small retinue ; 
and specific provisions and agreements were made to pre- 
vent rivalries and quarrels between the pages, coachmen 
and domestic servants of the respective representatives, 
who were prohibited from carrying sticks, swords and arms 
of any kind. To avoid all question of precedence, the Min- 
isters were to take seats in the order that they should enter 
the hall of the Congress, without any right of priority. 
The general sessions of the Congress were directed to be 
held twice a week — and particular conferences of the va- 
rious Ministers were held, ad interim : but the interruptions 
and delays were numerous and prolonged. 

The mode of procedure, as to the negotiations agreed 
on, was to reduce to writing and submit the various speci- 
fications or postulates, in the respective interests of the na- 
tions presenting them, which each desired to be passed 

Among the States represented, at the Congress, besides 
Great Britain, Austria, France, and Holland, were Hanover, 
Poland and Saxony ; The Circles of the Empire, Portugal, 
Prussia, the Romish States, Savoy, Sweden, Switzerland, 
Tuscany, Bavaria, Venice, Geneva, Lorraine, Cologne, the 
Palatinate, Modena, the Swiss Protestant Cantons, and 
many others of lesser degree — such as the Electorate of 
Triers (or Treves), the Duchy of Guastalla, and the Bish- 
opric and Principality of Hildesheim. England sent Rob- 
inson, Bishop of Bristol and the Earl of Strafford. The 
Emperor sent three plenipotentiaries, to watch the pro- 


ceedings ; France sent the Marquis d'Huxelles, the Abb6 
Polignac and the Chevalier Menager ; all of whom had 
been active agents in the preliminary negotiations — and 
Holland sent nine diplomatic agents. 

Many other personages, some of high rank, attended the 
conference to represent their own interests or those of petty 
potentates, or for special purposes connected with the Con- 
ference. Among them were the Duke de Bouillon, the 
Duke of St. Pierre and Aremberg, the Prince de Ligne, 
the Marquis de Rochegude " on the part of the Evangel- 
ical Cantons, and for the Confessors who are on board the 
galleys for matters of religion " : the Baron de Woerden 
was entrusted with the interests of the Princess d'Epinoy ; 
M. Mais, with the affairs of the Princess of Conti and of the 
principality of Orange, and the Abbot du Bos with the 
interest of the Prince of Condd. The Princess of Cond6, the 
Duke de la Tremouille, the Duke of Mirandola, the Prin- 
cess d'Ursini, the Princess of Austria and others had also 
agents to look after their respective interests. Besides the 
three French there were, in all, eighty other Plenipotentia- 
ries or diplomatic agents, representing Powers or interests. 
According to the suggestion of one of the French Ministers, 
the Marshal d'Huxelles, the chimney pieces and mirrors 
were removed from the great hall of the Convention, in 
order that there might be no place which might serve as a 
distinction or preference of places, and the Hall was warmed 
by huge braziers filled with coal. 

At the opening of the Conferences on the 29th January, 
17 12, the Plenipotentiaries of France and Great Britain en- 
tered at the same time, by different doors, as had been 
agreed on ; advancing into the room, each on his respective 
side, they gravely and profoundly saluted each other ; and 
then advanced, in equal steps, neither advancing the other, 
and took pains to sit down at the Council Table, at the 
same exact moment. After the above decorous entrance 
the Ambassadors of the Dutch Provinces and of the Duke 
of Savoy made their entry, and then the others. The 
Ministers of the Empire were present in the town, but did 
not attend the early sessions. 


An account is given, in the Historic Mercury of the 
time, of the theatrical appearance of the Bishop of Bristol 
on the occasion of the opening. He was clad in a dark 
violet velvet robe, striped and embroidered with gold lace : 
around his neck was a heavy gold chain, from which hung 
two feathers of gold crossing each other ; and, above them, 
a golden crown, tha badge of his decoration as Secretary 
of the Order of the Garter. Two pages, in ash-colored coats 
laced with silver, and waistcoats of green velvet, bore the 
Bishop's long train. His address was brief, and of a gen- 
eral character, directed to the French envoys ; and is re- 
corded to have been mainly as follows : 

"We are assembled to-day in the name of God, to com- 
mence the work of a general Peace between the High Al- 
lies ^nd the King, your Master. We bring sincere inten- 
tions, and even express orders from our Superiors, to unite, 
on their part, in everything which may tend to advance 
and happily terminate so salutary and Christian a work. 
On the other hand, we hope, gentlemen, that you are of 
the same mind and that your powers are so ample that you 
will be able, without loss of time, to respond to this effort 
of the Allies, by replying frankly and openly to the points 
we may have to regulate in these conferences ; and that 
you will do them in so clear and specific a manner, that all 
and each of the allied States will be contented with the 
just and reasonable satisfaction they may receive." The 
French Ministers responded at length, professing the good 
intentions of their King towards Peace, and stating that 
their powers were ample to negotiate and conclude. 

The principal questions open for discussion, at the great 
Peace Congress, were the Spanish succession and the dispo- 
sition of the Spanish dominions, the limits of the barrier 
between France and the Netherlands, the reestablishment 
of the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne, the acknowledg- 
ment of the Protestant succession in England, and an in- 
demnity to the Duke of Savoy for his losses and damages 
in the war. There were very many minor questions, under 
the various claims presented. 



The specific demands or postulates, put in by the Pleni- 
potentiaries, in behalf of their respective States will be now 
briefly digested. France, it will be observed, had already 
obtained the advantage, in that the Allies, instead of pre- 
senting an unbroken front and acting harmoniously, for the 
general interest, preferred separate demands, many of them 
with the purpose, doubtless, of preventing all negotiations. 
The demands of France, so different from her humble 
claims at Gertruydenberg, caused great astonishment 
among the representatives of the allies. Their tenor 
showed that she had a secret strength not apparent in the 
conferences, and which her separate negotiations with Eng- 
land would fully account for. 

The demands of France, as briefly put forth, were the 
exchange of certain fortresses, vis.: Tournay, Aire, St. 
Venant, Bethune, Douay and Lisle, to compensate for the 
demolition of Dunkirk, and of others to be yielded as a 
barrier — that the upper Rhine frontier was to be restored — 
that the House of Austria should cease all pretensions to 
the throne of Spain — and that the Electors of Cologne and 
Bavaria should be restored to their possessions, the latter 
to have the Spanish Netherlands. On behalf of the Eni- 
peror it was protested among other things, that the whole 
Spanish Monarchy and dominions such as they were, pos- 
sessed by Charles II., be entirely restored to the former, 
" To remain forever and without any interruption to the 
Princes of the House of Austria, their heirs and successors, 
according to the order and disposition made in the last 
Will and Testament of Philip IV." Lorraine was also to 
be yielded to its Ducal family. 


One of the principal demands of Great Britain was with 
reference to the Hanoverian succession. The words of the 
demand are, " The most Christian King shall acknowledge, 
in the clearest and strongest terms, the succession of the 


Crown of Great Britain, according as it is limited by Acts 
of Parliament (made during the reign of the late King 
William III., of. glorious memory, and of her Majesty now 
reigning) to the Protestant line in the House of Hanover. 
The most Christian King shall likewise oblige himself to 
cause the ^person,' who pretends to the aforesaid Crown 
of Great Britain, to depart, forthwith, the territories of 
France." There were also provisions against giving aid to 
any Pretender to the Throne, for demolishing Dunkirk, 
for yielding to England, Newfoundland, Acadia, and other 
islands and territories in North America — that France 
should acknowledge the Electorate of Hanover, and, gener- 
ally, should cause just satisfaction to be given to the other 
allies of what they demand of France. 


The demands of the King of Portugal were, that the 
interests of Portugal would not be sufficiently secured, 
unless all Spain and its dominions were restored to the 
House of Austria; except certain cities and territories in 
Europe and America, which were to be restored or yielded 
to Portugal ; and she was to be compensated for losses by 
the war. 


The first specific demand of the King of Prussia was, 
that he should be acknowledged in that quality, without 
restriction or condition, and also as sovereign of the Princi- 
pality of Chalon-Orange ; and also over estates situate in 
Franche Comt6 and Burgundy, as also Neufchatel and 
Vallengin. He also made demands in behalf of certain 
cities and cantons of Switzerland, claiming that " in future, 
no part of the laudable Helvetick Body, particularly of the 
laudable Protestant cantons and their confederates, be 
attacked, nor their tranquillity disturbed, under any pretence 
whatever." The King also made claim to have the same 
commercial advantages with France as Great Britain or 
Holland were to have. An important clause in the Prus- 
sian demand, was in behalf of the French Huguenot 


refugees. This clause was to the effect that the relatives 
of French refugees who had settled in Prussian dominions 
were to be allowed to leave France to join their relations in 
Prussia — and such refugees or their descendants were to 
have the possession and restitution of all their property in 
France, real or personal. The clause concludes as follows : 
" That the said refugees or their descendants, born subjects 
of his Majesty, shall enjoy as well in France, as in any part 
of its dominions, all the rights, privileges, franchises, im- 
munities, liberties and advantages, which his Majesty's 
other subjects ought to enjoy there, without any exception 
or reserve. His Majesty is desirous, besides, that it may 
please his most Christian Majesty to grant, in consideration 
of the friendship which is to be reestablished by the Peace, 
liberty of conscience to those of the Reformed religion 
who shall remain in France ; as also to enlarge and set at 
liberty all those who, for the sake of the Reformed Relig- 
ion, are detained in prisons, convents, galleys and other 


The demands of the States General were the most volu- 
minous of all. They claimed, among other things, a renun- 
ciation, by France, of all claim to the Spanish Netherlands 
as they were possessed by Charles II., under the Treaty of, 
Ryswick, and they were to be put under the control of the 
Emperor, as a barrier against France. Also certain frontier 
towns and estates were to be placed under the dominion of 
Holland ; and were to be forever renounced by France. 
Specific demands were also made for certain regulations as 
to commerce and navigation. A similar demand was made 
in behalf of the French Huguenot refugees and their effects 
as by the King of Prussia. It was also claimed, that such 
parts of the Principality of Orange and its properties as are 
situate in France should be made over to the States Gen- 
eral, to be restored to the persons who have a right to 
them, and that the fortifications of Dunkirk should be 
demolished, and the port and mole filled up, at the expense 
of France ; which fortifications were never to be restored. 



Savoy put in demands for its Duke to the Spanish 
throne, according to the will of Philip IV., claiming that all 
the estates of Savoy in possession of France be restored, 
and that the soverdgnty of other territories and fortified 
places bordering on Savoy be made over to that country, 
as a barrier against France ; and that France should make 
satisfaction to the subjects of Savoy for losses in the war, 


The " Associated Circles of the Empire " also make 
demand for the restoration to them of all they had yielded 
to France under the Treaty of Munster, and subsequent 
treaties ; and also those yielded by the House of Austria, 
and also the Duchies of Lorraine and Bar. This demand 
of the circles embraced the three Bishoprics of Mentz, Toul 
and Verdun ; they claimed also that Louis should renounce 
all claims, as feudal sovereign, over Lorraine and Alsace. 

Specific demands were also made by the " Most Reverend 
and Most Serene Prince, the Elector of Trier," the Elector 
Palatine, the Reverend Lord Bishop and Prince of Munster 
and Paderborn, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Prince 
of Wurtemburg, the Knights of the most Illustrious Order 
of Malta, for the restoration of certain cities or territories or 
estates, respectively, and for the damages and expenses of 
the war. 

A claim was also urged by the minor children of the late 
Joseph-William, Prince of Orange and Nassau, for the res- 
toration of their estates, and protesting against the claims 
of the King of Prussia, as to them. The Marquis de Nesle 
also claimed the same, and deputies from the Spanish Neth- 
erlands demanded that the Emperor be made Sovereign 
over them. 

The French King also, later, during the progress of the 
Treaty, put in claims in behalf of the Elector of Cologne 
and of his ally, the Elector of Bavaria. 

A claim made in behalf of the Prince of Orange and Nas- 
sau, demanded that he be secured in his Principality, and 


all its estates and feudal rights, both of the town and Prin- 
cipality of Orange, and elsewhere, particularly in France, 
Franche-Comt6 and Dauphin^. 

The Duke of St. Pierre also claimed to be recognized as 
Sovereign of a little State called Sabionetta on the con- 
fines of the Milanese territory — and to be restored or com- 
pensated for his Ducal crown. The Ducal army, it ap- 
peared, had consisted of 500 men, in war time. 


The French Plenipotentiaries had boldly put in (February 
II, 1 7 12) the above recited demands of an extravagant char- 
acter, and in opposition to. all the principles of the alliance. 
These demands created great excitement in Parliament ; 
and even Oxford and St. John felt they could not give in 
to the overreaching spirit of France, or submit to demands, 
which, as the victorious party, were humiliating to England. 
So great was the agitation in England, caused by the terms 
of the French demands, that Louis, under apprehension 
that the progress of peace might be obstructed, and suffer- 
ing from afflictions that much diminished his usual spirit 
and force of character, subsequently modified his views. 
The House of Lords was still recalcitrant. It declared, by 
resolution, on February 26, 1712, "That the propositions 
made at Utrecht, by the French Plenipotentiaries, were 
scandalous, frivolous and dishonorable to the Crown and to 
the Allies — that those who counselled the Queen to treat 
on such propositions were enemies of her Majesty and the 
nation — and that an address should be presented to her Maj- 
esty to testify the just indignation of the House at the pre- 
sentation of such propositions." Such an address was ac- 
cordingly sent, to which the Queen replied very curtly. 
The House of Commons also opposed the French proposi- 
tions, and adopted a long address, suggesting modifica- 
tions ; and at the same time charging, that the stipulations 
of the States General to furnish troops and materials of 
war, had not been carried out. 

It was not until the 5th March, that the respective spe- 


cific demands of the allies were all put before the Congress. 
The demands were signed by the respective Plenipotenti- 
aries and given in without order or preference. 

The French, with a wily policy, postponed until the 30th 
their answers to the demands; but when that day came 
refused to make their answers in writing, advancing the pre- 
text that they waited fresh instructions ; and abruptly 
stating that there had been writing enough, and that it was 
now time to negotiate. Up to May 10, they had made no 
response to the demands of the allies, much to the indigna- 
tion of the Plenipotentiaries of the latter. The French 
Agents, no doubt, preferred not to definitely express their 
views, while their secret negotiations with England were 
going on. In the mean while, to expedite matters, Mr. Har- 
ley * and the Abb6 Gaultier had arrived at Utrecht, about 
April 4, and instructed the English Plenipotentiaries as to 
the plan of a Peace as agreed on ; but it was to be kept 
secret from the other allies. 


An interesting episode of the Congress, at Utrecht, was 
the appearance, by protest, of the English Pretender, who 
desired to figure upon the scene ; but, as he could not be 
properly represented by a diplomatic agent, being not a 
reigning monarch, he addressed a circular manifesto to all 
the Plenipotentiaries. 

It bore the date April 15, 1712; but was not put in 
until towards the close of the sessions : an extract of the 
words of the protest is as follows, translated from the Latin 
original, then to a great extent the language of diplomacy. 

" James, the King. 

" James III., by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, 
France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, to all Kings 
Princes, States, Republics, etc. 

" Since, after a war so long and so ruinous to all Christian- 
ity, it appears that all the Powers are ready to make peace 

* This was a relative of the British minister. 


between themselves, and that they are on the point of rat- 
ifying it without regard to our interests — we have judged 
it necessary to assert, by this Protestation, our inahenable 
right against all which may be done to its and our preju- 
dice. * * * But, in truth, it is not merely our affairs which 
concern us, but the immutable love which we have for our 
good subjects causes us to observe, with great grief, that, so 
far, neither their lives nor their property have been spared to 
sustain the crying injustice that has been done us ; and that 
now they are reduced to the extremity that if peace be 
made, without regard to us, they must necessarily become 
the prey of strangers and be put under their dominion." 

The protest thus concludes : 

"As to our rights, we find ourselves obliged, both with 
regard to ourselves, our descendants and our subjects, to 
strive as much as in us lies, that it do not appear that we 
consent, by our silence, to that which may be done to our 
prejudice, and to that of the legitimate heirs of our king- 
doms. This is why we solemnly protest, in the best form 
that we can, against all those things which may be deter- 
mined and contracted to our prejudice, as utterly without 
right and legitimate authority; and, having appended our 
great seal to these letters, we entirely reserve all our rights 
and all our pretension, and we declare that they exist and 
will exist in their totality. In fine, we protest, before God 
and before men, that we will be free from all blame and of 
all reproach, and that to us cannot be attributed the cause 
of the misfortunes that the wrongs that have already been 
committed or that may be committed, in the future, against 
us, may bring upon our Kingdoms or upon all Christendom. 

" Given, at St. Germain, April the 25th, in the year of 
our Saviour, 1712, and the 9th of our Reign. 

" Signed, by the King's own hand, ' 

" James, 
" King." 


The sudden Decease of the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy and the 
Duke of Brittany. — Consternation and Grief throughout France. — 
Grave suspicions of Poison, against the Duke of Orleans. — Charac- 
ter of the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy.— Eloquent Eulogy by 
St. Simon.— Depression and Grief of Louis XIV.— Interview of Vil- 
lars with the King.— Effect of the above Events on the Congress. — 
Renunciation required of Philip, to the French Crown. — Louis de- 
lays Action.— Action of Philip.— He agrees to the Renunciation. — 
Summary of the Renunciations by Philip and the French Princes.— 
Subsequent Endorsement thereof, by the French Parliaments. 


While the Congress was deeply engaged, in anxious con- 
ference, three untoward events occurred, which had an im- 
portant influence upon its deliberations. 

On the 14th of April, 1711, had died of small-pox, in his 
fiftieth year, the Dauphin, the only legitimate son of Louis 
XIV., and the father of the King of Spain. The decease 
of the Dauphin left his son, the Duke of Burgundy, the 
heir apparent to the throne of France. 

The Dauphin was a person of mediocre intellect, and of 
no force of character ; and the King was consoled for his 
loss, in the attachment he felt for his young heir, the Duke 
of Burgundy, who had been educated by the virtuous Fene- 
lon. He was a Prince of great intelligence ; amiable, truth- 
ful, sensible, religious, — and with a purity and simplicity of 
character that was conspicuous at a Court marked by vice, 
intrigue, and crime. The aged monarch gloried in the idea 
of having so worthy a scion as the Duke of Burgundy to 
succeed him, on the throne of his ancient kingdom — and all 
France looked forward, with joy and confidence, to the suc- 
ceeding reign, which the advancing years of the King indi- 
cated, could not be far distant. 



The vivacious manners, and engaging esprit, also, of the 
Duchess of Burgundy, the new Dauphiness, endeared her to 
the aged King, and to all who came near her. The King 
was never so happy as in her society, and in his distress and 
disappointments her presence always cheered and diverted 
him. So companionable was she to the King, who rejoiced 
in her gay and buoyant spirits, contrasting as they did with 
the formal obsequiousness of the Court, that she was priv- 
ileged to enter his presence, at all times, — even when he 
was engaged with the Ministers in his Cabinet. In private 
it is related, that she would clasp the King about the neck, 
jump upon his knees, torment him with all sorts of sportive- 
ness, rummage among his papers, open his letters, and read 
them in his presence — sometimes, in spite of him. She 
also is described to have been true and generous to friends 
and foes. Everybody loved her, about the Court ; and 
missed her radiant presence, when absent from it. 

On the 1 2th of February, 1712, at the age of 26, to the 
consternation of the Court, where gayeties seldom allowed 
the contemplation of death, a sudden and mysterious 
malady carried off this much beloved member of the Royal 
circle. Only six days thereafter, on the morning of the i8th 
of February, just as the proposals for pacification were 
under their first consideration, her husband, the new Dau- 
phin, the young Duke of Burgundy, also died in great tor- 
ment, of the same mysterious malady, that is said to have 
tortured him as with a consuming fire. The Duke had 
been mysteriously informed that his life was to be at- 
tempted, but had given no heed to the warning. 

And, again — on the 8th of March, in less than three 
weeks, one of the two infant sons of the deceased Duke of 
Burgundy, the Duke of Brittany, to whom the title of Dau- 
phin had been given on the death of his father, also, was 
no more ; leaving the remaining son, a feeble child, then 
also stricken with the same malady, to survive, to be the 
future King of France. His frail life is related to have 
been saved by the courageous, and, under the circum- 
stances, heroic act of the child's governess, the Duchess de 
Ventadour, who, rendered suspicious by the sudden de- 


cease of the parents, drove away all the attendant physi- 
cians, and administered an antidote against poison, or some 
other powerful medicine that had been brought from Italy. 

Thus, three Dauphins of France died in less than a year 
— the last two, and the wife and mother, in less than twenty- 
four days ! 

These disasters culminated the woes and misfortunes of 
France, and bowed down the aged monarch with grief in- 
consolable. Instead of strengthening his royal Bourbon 
line through his descendants, he saw, with horror, his dy- 
nasty passing away before his eyes. 

The effect of these terrible events was to appal all hearts ; 
the grief and consternation was general, not only through 
France but throughout Europe. So dreadful and sudden 
were they, that suspicion of poison was generally enter- 
tained, and fell, as with common consent, on the King's 
nephew, the Duke of Orleans — the future Regent — between 
whom and the crown intervened the feeble child, the then 
Duke of Anjou, the great-grandson, and the Duke de Berry, 
the remaining grandson of the King, soon destined to follow 
his brother to the grave. 

These suspicions of poison were verified by autopsy, and 
for some years continued to cloud the life of the Duke of 
Orleans. He was, for a long time, avoided by King and 
courtier, and was hooted at and insulted by mobs, who 
threatened to tear him to pieces. Sober reflection, how- 
ever, subsequently generally exculpated him ; and the fact 
that the Duke of Anjou lived to be King, in time, relieved 
the Duke of Orleans from the foul suspicion of an inhuman 
crime, foreign to his general character, and which Louis 
subsequently refused to entertain. Some placed the re- 
sponsibility of these horrible events upon the Due du 
Maine, a natural son of the King, afterwards named by him 
as principal Regent in his will, but supplanted by the Duke 
of Orleans. 

And yet these suspicions against the future Regent did 
not seem to be without plausibility. There was an end to 
be gained, and he was entirely without moral principle, 
thanks to the teachings of his infamous preceptor, the Abb^ 


Dubois, whose only god was ambition, and whose rule of 
action, expediency ; who debauched his pupil's mind in 
order the better to rule him ; and taught him avarice, per- 
fidy, deceit, infidelity, and even the semi-worship of devils. 
So false became his pupil that he boasted of his skill in de- 
ceit as an accomplishment, and plumed himself on being 
the most skilful trickster in the world ; he gloried also in 
his daughter's accomplishments, as as intriguer and hypo- 
crite. The Duke's study, of chemistry and necromancy, 
added not a little to the suspicions against him. 

A feeling and most eloquent panegyric may be found in 
the pages of the Duke de St. Simon, usually flippant and 
cynical, on the Dauphin, Duke of Burgundy, who, in that 
loose age, and with such a father and grandfather, was in- 
deed a novelty in character and conduct — much due, doubt- 
less, to the teachings of Fenelon. 

St. Simon thus records his tribute to this virtuous Prince 
— the idol of his grandfather and the hope of France. It is 
a beautiful panegyric, and worth repeating, even at this late 

" So much intelligence and of such a kind, joined to such 
vivacity, sensibility, and passion, rendered his education 
difficult. But God, who is the Master of all hearts, and 
whose divine spirit breathes where he wishes, worked a 
miracle on this Prince, between his eighteenth and twen- 
tieth years. From this abyss he came out affable, gentle, 
humane, moderate, patient, modest, penitent, humble, and 
austere — even more than harmonized with his position. 

" Devoted to his duties, feeling them to be immense, he 
thought only how to unite the duties of a son and subject 
with those he saw destined for himself. The shortness of 
each day was his only sorrow — all his force, all his conso- 
lation was in prayer, and pious reading. He clung, with 
joy, to the cross of his Saviour, repenting sincerely his 
past pride. 

" The King, with his outside devotion, soon saw, with 

secret displeasure, his own life censured by that of a Prince, 

so young, who refused himself a new desk in order to give 

the money it would cost to the poor ; and who did not care 



to accept some new gilding, with which it was proposed to 
furnish his little room. 

" Great God ! what a spectacle you gave to us, in him ! 
What tender but tranquil views he had ! — What submission 
and love of God ! — What a consciousness of his own noth- 
ingness, and of his sins ! — What a magnificent idea of the 
infinite mercy! — What religious and humble fear! — What 
tempered confidence ! — What patience ! — What constant 
goodness, for all who approached him ! France fell, in fine^ 
under this last chastisement. God showed to her a Prince 
she merited not. The Earth was not worthy of him — he 
was ripe already for the blessed eternity. 

" The discernment of this Prince was such that, like the 
bee, he gathered the most perfect substance from the best 
and most beautiful flowers. He tried to fathom where to 
draw from them the instruction and the light that he could 
hope for. He conferred, sometimes, but rarely, with others 
besides his chosen few. I was the only one not of that 
number who had complete access to him ; with me he 
opened his heart upon the present and the future, with con- 
fidence, with sageness, with discretion. A volume would 
not describe sufficiently my private views of this Prince — 
What love of good ! What forgetfulness of self ! What 
researches, what fruit ! What purity of purpose ! May I 
say it, what reflection of the Divinity in that mind — candid, 
simple, strong — which, as much as is possible here below, had 
preserved the image of its Maker ! It was he that was not 
afraid to say, publicly, in the salon of Marly, that ' A King 
is made for his subjects and not the subjects for him,' a re- 
mark, that, except under his own reign, which God did not 
permit, would have been the most frightful blasphemy ! " 

In reading of the dreadful infliction of these sudden 
deaths, it may be said, that the Nemesis was indeed come, 
to this king of vanity and blood — claiming, at last, and exe- 
cuting, in full, her dreadful retribution ! 

The year 1712 had, indeed, commenced for France under 
most disastrous auspices. 

Marshal Villars recounts, that, when he called upon 
Louis, 3k Marly, the firmness of the monarch gave way to 


the sensibility of the man. He burst into tears ; and in a 
voice of heart-felt grief, exclaimed :" You see the state I 
am in, Marshal — there are few examples of horrors such as 
have come upon me — of losing, in the same week, my grand- 
son, his wife, and their child — all of the greatest hope and 
tenderly beloved. God has punished me — I have well 
deserved this. I will suffer less in the other world. But 
let me suspend my griefs, in view of the misfortunes of the 
State ; and let us see what we can do to redress them." 


The decease of the three dauphins left, as heir to the 
crown of France, the last of the sons of the Duke of Bur- 
gundy, the then Duke of Anjou, subsequently notorious as 
Louis XV., then a child, under three years of age. This 
feeble life was the only obstacle to the legitimate right of 
his uncle, the former Duke of Anjou, now Philip of Spain, 
to the French Crown. At the time of his journey to Spain, 
Philip had, between him and the French crown, the Grand 
Dauphin, son of Louis, the Duke of Burgundy, and any chil- 
dren of the latter. 

The decease of the Dauphins and the Duke of Brittany 
were startling political events, and created, anew, grave 
discussion in European Cabinets. These occurrences imper- 
illed the closing of the Treaty, on the preliminary basis 
agreed on ; and complicated the task the Congress had in 
hand of establishing peace for Europe. 

It was deemed desirable that additional and more distinct 
pledges should be required, on the part of France, against 
any possible union, not only of the crowns, but of the right 
to the two crowns of France and Spain, the event of their 
union now appearing almost imminent. 

It was deemed necessary, also, in view of the new politi- 
cal conditions that resulted from the decease of the Dau- 
phins, that there should be, not only a positive compact 
between the contracting parties to the Treaty, but that 
there should be an absolute and specific renunciation, on the 


part of Philip, for himself and his heirs, in any and all 
events, of his and their succession to the French Crown ; 
which renunciation, it was demanded, should be sanctioned 
by the Cortes and be decreed irrevocable. 

The consideration of this important question and the 
modus operandi, for a time, absorbed the attention of the 
Plenipotentiaries at Utrecht — and, indeed, had a paralyzing 
effect upon all negotiations, and raised the hopes of the 
enemies of peace. The action of the Holland Plenipoten- 
tiaries was now again especially directed to embarrass nego- 
tiations. All the powers, except Austria, conceded, in 
appearance at least, the point to France and Spain, of the 
continuance of Philip on the Spanish throne — the sine qua 
non was, however, always that the crowns should not, under 
any circumstances, be vested in one person. 

The principal exaction, now, on the part of the English 
Plenipotentiaries, urged, not only at Utrecht, but by special 
mission at Paris, was that the King of Spain should individ- 
ually make positive and open renunciation of all right to 
the French crown. This was the more necessary, inasmuch 
as the King .of France seemed to consider that he could not 
make any treaty that would determine the succession to the 
throne of France, which being a matter of State law and 
inheritance, was a right that no living person could take 
from those who were entitled to it. To this demand of a 
renunciation, Louis, for a long time, did not respond, much 
to the surprise of the Plenipotentiaries of the allied powers. 
The delay kept all proceedings in abeyance, and gave en- 
couragement to the war party in the Congress. 

Louis finally took the ground that he had no right to 
make any stipulation for his grandson, as to the French suc- 
cession, and that, if he did, the stipulation would be void. 
At length, however, moved by the attitude of the other 
Powers, in April, he sent despatches to the King of Spain, 
instructing him that the matter was in his own hands, and 
requesting him to come to a resolution on the subject ; at 
the same time, counselling him, for the sake of peace, and 
for the repose of Europe, to keep possession of his kingdom 
and to renounce his right to the throne of France, although, 


at first, he seems to have given contrary advice.* In the 
mean while St. John wrote to Louis in these emphatic 
words : 

" The queen has directed me to say to you that this arti- 
cle of the renunciation, is of so great consequence not only 
as affecting her, but all Europe besides, both now and for 
all posterity, that she will not consent to continue any fur- 
ther negotiation for peace, until the expedient she proposes 
is adopted, or some other of equal force." The English 
Plenipotentiaries were accordingly instructed to obtain the 
renunciation, or to cease further negotiation. 

The consideration of this matter consumed several 
months, at Utrecht, and at London and Paris, between spe- 
cial envoys. Louis XIV. seemed still unwilling to have his 
grandson, for whom he had great affection, and who, in a 
direct line, was his possible successor, permanently debarred 
from his ancestral throne. Philip V., however, showed no 
repugnance to the renunciation ; and expressed his determi- 
nation to cast his fortunes, thereafter, entirely with his 
Spanish subjects, for whom he seems to have had a real 
affection, and by whom he was beloved ; with whom he had 
shared the perils and triumphs of the war, and whose na- 
tional independence he had, with them, heroically main- 

This important matter was finally and virtually deter- 
mined in May, 1712. The King of Spain wrote an earnest and 
decisive letter to Louis, renouncing, forever, his right of 

* Philip was, in fact, urged by Louis, not to abandon his right to the 
Crown of France ; but to make an exchange with the House of Savoy — 
Spain for Piedmont, Savoy and Montferrat — these latter to be annexed 
to France, in case of Philip's accession to the throne of that country. 

Louis wrote him, under date of May, 17 12, when Philip was hesitating : 
" Judge how agreeable it would (be to me to be able to rely on you for 
the future ; to be assured that if the Dauphin lives, I shall find in you a 
regent accustomed to command, and capable of preserving order, and 
repressing the cabals in my kingdom. If this infant should die, you will 
enter on my succession, according to the order of your birth ; and I shall 
have the consolation of leaving to my people a virtuous sovereign able 
to rule them, and who in succeeding to me, will unite to the Crown 
States so considerable, as Savoy, Piedmont and Montferrat." 


succession to the French Crown. Before writing this letter 
of renunciation, Philip, who was a Prince of sincere piety, 
turned, for light, to Heaven. After performing his devo- 
tions, and taking the holy communion, he summoned the 
French representative at his court, and thus said to him : 

" I have made my choice — no temptation shall ever induce 
me to abandon this crown, which I consider the gift of 
God ! " 

"By this," he states in the conclusion of his letter to 
Louis, " I give not only peace to France, but I give her an 
ally, which, without this, might, some day, in league with 
her enemies, give her great embarrassment ; and, at the 
same time, I adopt the alternative which appears to me the 
most conducive to my own glory and the good of my sub- 
jects, who have so strongly contributed, by their attachment 
and their zeal, to keep my crown upon my head." In a 
speech of Philip to his Council of State, July 3, 1712, after 
enumerating the conditions upon which peace was to be 
made, he thus expresses himself : — 

" The instances of the King, my grandfather, that I would 
prefer, in the act of renunciation, the French Monarchy to 
that of Spain, have been very great ; but, neither his earnest 
solicitations, nor the consideration of the grandeur and 
strength of France, have been able to alter my gratitude 
and the obligations I have to the Spaniards, whose fidelity 
has secured and strengthened, on my head, the crown which 
Fortune on two marked occasions had rendered uncertain ; 
so that, to remain united with the Spaniards, I would not 
only prefer Spain to all the monarchies in the World, but I 
would also content myself with the least part rather than 
abandon the nation." He, therefore, states, that he re- 
nounces the succession to France, for himself and his heirs, 
in favor of the Duke of Berry, his brother, and the Duke of 
Orleans, his uncle. By this act of renunciation, the King of 
Spain not only ceded his right to the French crown, but, 
also, under the demands of the allies, his rights to the 
Kingdom of Naples, the Duchy of Milan, and the Spanish 

When the Courier arrived from Madrid, with the missive 


of consent to the renunciation, its contents were immedi- 
ately communicated to the EngHsh Court. 

The progress of negotiations at Utrecht will be a little 
anticipated, in giving, in the above connection, an abstract 
of the texts of the renunciations that were made by Philip 
and also by the French Princes. 

The formal renunciation of Philip is not dated until the 
Sth of November, 1712, and recites that it is made to cement 
a firm and lasting peace, and for the general repose and wel- 
fare of Europe, in a proper equilibrium of powers. He re- 
nounces the crown of France, under all possibilities, for 
himself and his descendants ; and makes provision for the 
descent of the Spanish crown, in case of his decease, with- 
out descendants, in such manner that it shall not devolve on 
the House of Austria. The renunciation, in conclusion, 
states, that he " cheerfully signs the renunciation, with a 
wish henceforward to live and die with his loving and faithful 
Spanish subjects — bequeathing to his descendants the in- 
separable bonds of their fidelity and affection." 

The English Cabinet, under apprehension, that the renun- 
ciation of Philip, and a compact by Treaty, might not be 
considered as sufficient to bind other of the Bourbon princes 
of the blood, from asserting their claims to the Spanish 
crown, in case, by possibility, they might succeed to that of 
France, instructed their representatives to require the re- 
nunciations, also, of the Dukes of Orleans and Berry— one 
the nephew, and the other, the grandson of the King of 
France ; and, consequently, the presumptive legitimate 
heirs of the double succession, in case of the decease of the 
infant Dauphin. 

A formal renunciation by the Duke de Berry was, accord- 
ingly, subsequently made, dated on the 24th of November, 
1712. It is addressed to all kings, republics, and Commu- 
nities of the Earth, both present and future : and re-^ 
nounces, for himself and his descendants, all right to the^ 
succession of Spain, "in such sort that all the lines of 
France and Spain, respectively and relatively, shall be 
excluded forever and always, from all the rights that the 
lines of France can have in the crown of Spain, and the 


lines of Spain on the crown of France." A proviso was 
also inserted that the House of Austria should also be 
excluded from the Spanish Crown. A similar renunciation 
was also made by the Duke of Orleans, nephew of Louis, 
bearing date the 19th of November, 171 2. 

But even disposed as England was to peace, she would 
listen to no engagement pledged by Louis, unless there 
should be a solemn endorsement of the engagements of the 
King and his kin by the French National Parliament, so 
far as there was any power left in France or the Parliament 
so to act. No confidence was placed in the personal word 
or engagements of the King : he had before violated 
treaties, without hesitation ; and broken his faith with 
many of the Powers of Europe. The ratification by Parlia- 
ment of the renunciation for himself and his descendants, 
and of his own right to the Spanish crown was demanded. 
Accordingly the French Parliament was, some time after, 
assembled; and, on the i8th of May, 1713, in the most 
solemn manner, in the assembly of Parliament, with attend- 
ant courtiers, the princes of the blood, the bastard princes, 
and the peers and dignitaries of the realm, these latter 
renunciations were read and ratified, in solemn and stately 
procedure. The renunciations having been also ratified 
and assented to by Louis, by Letters Patent, his assent 
and the three renunciations were registered in all the 
Courts of Parliament and Chambers of account, in France ; 
and proclaimed, as acts of State, both in France and Spain. 


War during the Progress of the Negotiations. — Action of the Duke of 
Ormond, commanding the EngUsh and other Contingents. — St. John's 
Instructions to him.^Ormond's secret Advices to Villars. — Ormond's 
contemptible Position. — His Inaction. — Protest of the " Lords." — 
Speech of Lord Halifax. — Ormond withdraws his Troops, and an 
Armistice proclaimed by Queen Anne. — Indignation of the Allies. — 
Mortification of the English Troops. — Continued Negotiations, in the 
Summer of 171 2. — The War maintained by the Emperor. — Quesnoy 
taken by Prince Eugene. — The English Troops occupy Dunkirk. — 
New Demands by England. — Heinsius still opposed to Peace. — 
Louis hastens the Negotiations. — He urges Villarsto fight a Battle. — 
The decisive Battle of Denain, July, 1712.- — Marchiennes, Douay, 
Quesnoy and Bouchain taken by Villars. — The Quarrel between the 
Lackeys of the French and Dutch Ambassadors at Utrecht. — Its 
Effect on Negotiations. 


While the deliberations at Utrecht were slowly proceed- 
ing, the operations of war were being conducted with little 
activity. When Ormond united his forces with those of 
'Prince Eugene in the Spring, they formed an army of 
120,000 men — superior in numbers to those of Villars, and 
also in the materiel of the soldiery ; many of Villars' troops 
being inexperienced recruits, while the men of the Allies 
were hardened veterans accustomed to success. 

In May, 1712, the Allies began to move their troops for 
the summer campaign : they had outmanoeuvred the 
French, and were preparing to attack Villars, with every 
prospect of success, when all their plans were disconcerted 
by intelligence that the Duke of Ormond refused to join, 
with his British troops and others under his command, in 
any further hostile operations. The States General, long 
suspicious of Ormond, had refused to recognize him as 
Commander-in-chief; and now, justly indignant, sent a 
written request to him to unite his forces with the others, 



for the campaign. He responded, that he had orders not 
to act — but that the orders were to be kept secret. He 
was, indeed, placed in a contemptible position. His orders, 
apparently, were not positive, but rather, as it was inti- 
mated to him, that he was to keep quiet — and information 
of these directions were sent to 'the French court and 
to Villars. Secretary St. John had written to Ormond 
specially, in this regard ; instructing him to avoid hazard- 
ing a battle, and not to engage in any siege; to which 
Ormond had replied on the 9th May, as follows : " I am 
persuaded, with you, that a battle, either lost or won, in 
the present state of affairs, would cause great interrup- 
tion to the progress of the treaty. However, you have not 
forgotten that my instructions are that I should push the 
war with vigor, in concert with the Allies ; so that if a 
favorable opportunity should! present itself for attacking 
the enemy, I cannot refuse, in case that it is urged by the 
Prince or the States General. I hope that positive instruc- 
tions will come before the armies are formed, which will be 
in two or three days." 

Knowledge of Ormond's instructions and inactivity soon 
reached England. Complaint was made in Parliament, 
particularly, that the Allies did not take Cambray, which 
opened the way into the heart of France ; and declaring 
that the policy of France was fallacious and ensnaring, and 
that no reliance was to be placed upon her good intentions ; 
that she had made no specific answer to the demands of 
the Allies, and that great opportunities for conquering a 
peace were lost ; and that, at any rate, proceedings should 
be kept up until sufficient guaranty was given, by France. 
Ormond, soon after, received such further instructions from 
the Ministry, that he entered into a secret correspondence 
with Villars, declaring that they were no longer enemies, 
and announced that the future movements of his troops 
were intended merely for forage and subsistence, and not 
for offensive operations. Ormond's position now became 
one of ridicule, not only in the Parliament, but before the 
English people. Verses were circulated, to the effect that 
he was merely tending a flock of sheep, ridiculing his posi- 


tion, and exalting Marlborough, at Ornjond's expense ; and 
caricatures were circulated, in which St. John was repre- 
sented as putting a padlock on Ormond's sword. Pawlet, 
in the Lords, in defending Ormond, bitterly 'attacked Marl- 
borough, who, feeling insulted at Pawlet's insinuations, 
sent him a challenge— but the Queen forbade the impend- 
ing duel. Halifax, in the Lords, called for the instructions 
that had been given Ormond, and moved a resolution that 
he be directed to act against the enemy ; which resolution, 
under the skilful opposition of the Lord Treasurer, was 
lost, by a large majority. But a protest of the Whig Lords 
was issued, denouncing the inaction of Ormond, as dishon- 
orable to the nation, and unjust towards the allies. 

The indignant words of Lord Halifax in the House of 
Lords on the debate on the instructions to Ormond are 
memorable. After speaking of the glorious success that 
had attended the armies of the Allies, he continues : " I 
pity that heroic and gallant general, who, on other occa- 
sions, took delight in charging the most formidable corps 
and strongest squadrons, and cannot but be weary at being 
fettered with shackles, and thereby prevented from reaping 
the glory he might well expect from leading troops so accus- 
tomed to conquer. I pity the Allies, who have relied upon 
the aid and friendship of the British nation, perceiving that 
what they have done, at so great an expense of blood and 
treasure, is of no effect, as they will be exposed to the re- 
venge of the power against which they have been so active. 
I pity the Queen, her royal successors, and the present and 
future generations of Britain ; when they shall find the 
nation deeply involved in debt, and that common enemy, 
who occasioned it, though once being near sufificiently 
humbled, does still triumph, and designs their ruin, and is 
informed that this proceeds from the conduct of the British 
Cabinet, in neglecting to make a use of those advantages 
and happy occasions which their own courage, with God's 
blessing had gained, and put into their hands." Halifax 
concluded by moving that counter orders should be sent to 
Ormond, directing him to " act offensively in conjunction 
with the other Allies against the common enemy." This 


motion was seconded in an earnest speech by Marlborough, 
but the Ministry triumphed, and, as above stated, the 
motion was lost. 

The action or inaction of Ormond, while many opportu- 
nities were open for his attacking the French, excited, of 
course, the highest indignation among the Dutch and other 
Allies, and they made a strong protest on the subject to the 
Queen. Prince Eugene was loud in his denunciations, and 
claimed that England had betrayed them. Ormond felt that 
his position was an absurd and contemptible one, and he so 
expressed himself to the English Ministers, but strictly fol- 
lowed his instructions. In the mean while Villars wrote him 
that he had been notified as to his orders. 

After many prevarications, on June 24th, the Duke of 
Ormond notified Prince Eugene and the Deputies of the 
States General that he had been directed to proclaim an 
armistice for two months, as to operations in the Nether- 
lands. He also astounded them with the notification, that, 
if the Allies did not immediately abandon the siege of 
Quesnoy then carried on by Eugene, he would separate his 
troops and all those in the pay of England from the forces 
of the Allies. He subsequently, with his English troops, 
took up his quarters at Ghent and Bruges. 

The orders of St. John to Ormond to withdraw the troops 
under his command, not only, in the estimation of the other 
Allies, left a deep stain on the honor of England, but mate- 
rially affected the results of the campaign ; for to the with- 
drawal of the British contingent the subsequent successes of 
Villars were mainly due. These directions of St. John to 
Ormond formed one of the principal grounds of impeach- 
ment against the former, at a subsequent time. 

The forces, not only English, but those of the Allies, 
under Ormond, in English pay, were indignant at their 
withdrawal from the field and desertion of their Allies. 
When the suspension of arms was proclaimed at the head of 
each regiment, the news was received with a burst of indig- 
nation : instead of huzzahs and acclamations at the speedy 
return of peace, a general hiss and murmur was heard 
throughout the camp — the officers were overwhelmed with 


shame and mortification, and keenly felt the disgrace of 
laying down their arms after their many hard fought and 
victorious contests. All the troops of the Allies in English 
pay under Ormond's command, except some Dutch and 
Holstein troops, had before that time refused to obey his 
orders, and had indignantly left him : among these were 
Danes, Prussians, Saxons, and Hanoverians. 

The States General in June, sent a strong letter of protest 
to the Queen against the action of Ormond, and against the 
declaration by the English Plenipotentiary at Utrecht, that 
England would take measures for peace apart from the 
Dutch. A portion of this protest is as follows : " We pray 
your Majesty to consider, according to your great penetra- 
tion, whether we have not just ground to be surprised, when 
we see a stop put, by an order in your Majesty's name, with- 
out our knowledge, to the operations of the Confederate 
Army, the finest and strongest which, perhaps, has been in 
the field, during the whole course of the war ; and provided 
with all necessaries to act with vigor ; and this, after they 
had marched, according to the resolution taken, in concert 
with your Majesty's general almost up to the enemy, with a 
great superiority, both as to number and goodness of troops, 
and animated with a noble courage and zeal to acquit them- 
selves bravely. So that in all human appearance, and with 
the Divine assistance, we should have been able, either by 
battle or siege, to gain great advantages over the enemy, to 
have bettered the affairs of the Allies, and facilitate the 
negotiations of peace." After protesting in further strong 
language, almost of reproach, against the withdrawal of 
Ormond's forces and England's efforts at a separate peace, 
the protest thus concludes: " In truth, Madam, if, for such 
a cause. Potentates, allied and united together by the 
strictest ties of alliance, interest, and religion, any one of 
those potentates could quit all their engagements and dis- 
engage themselves from all their obligations, there is no tie 
so strong which may not be broke at any time, and we 
know of no engagements that could be relied on for time to 
come." The Queen returned to this missive a curt reply, to 
the effect that all her intentions, as to peace, would be com- 


municated to the States General, " who should cease from 
their apprehensions." 

In the mean while, however, Holland began to perceive 
the consequences which would result from being left out, if 
a separate treaty were made with England, and she were 
deprived of English troops and English subsidies ; she con- 
sequently became more docile, although the war party in 
England had still a strong influence upon her and kept up 
its efforts. The negotiations for a general peace, however, 
went on with a show of industry, and every proposed article 
was obstinately contested by Holland and Germany. The 
substantial reason why Holland and the Emperor were not 
desirous of peace was, that they did not believe in the sin- 
cerity of the French King. They believed no peace could 
be permanent and advantageous, unless Louis was com- 
pletely humbled by the allied powers. War, with him, had 
been a pastime — a gratification of pride and a source of 
glory. Every war in which he had been, theretofore, en- 
gaged, had increased his despotic powers or extended his 
dominions'; and the welfare of Europe, and even of his own 
people, and the substantial interests of his country, had 
been secondary considerations to the claims of his ambition. 
No moral considerations, therefore, were to be relied on, no 
promises were to be believed, no formal peace was to be 
trusted — nothing but fierce blows to beat down the turbu- 
lent monarch, in his very lair, into a state of permanent 
submission and degradation. The Grand Pensionaiy, Hein- 
sius, was particularly indisposed to peace, and the war was 
kept up. He had inherited all the grand ideas of William 
HI., and liked to play an important r6le in European affairs, 
and, as one of the despised " bourgeois" gloried in contin- 
uing the humiliation of the French king. 

In the mean while, at Utrecht, the peace was making an 
apparent, but .slow progress, as between France and Great 
Britain, while the States General seeijied to interpose 
every possible obstacle, and resolved to hold alliance with 
the Emperor and Savoy ; and the separate movement of 
England continued to excite their indignation. The Em- 
peror and his Allies, meanwhile, continued vigorous pro- 


ceedings in the conduct of the war. In July, Eugene took 
Quesnoy, which surrendered without waiting for a general 
assault. This was a place of great importance, being a 
medium of communication for Hainault and Brabant. 

The delay in the negotiations, owing to the continued 
indisposition on the part of Holland to bring the treaty to 
a conclusion, intimated to England that she would have to 
make a separate arrangement with France and had there- 
tofore caused her to retire her troops from the field. This 
course she had led France to understand she would take, 
on condition only that Dunkirk was to be occupied by Eng- 
lish troops, pending further negotiations. Thig plan, it was 
supposed, would cause Holland to cease to temporize, and 
compel her, unable to cope, as she would be, with the 
French forces, to unite in a final and general peace. The 
English soldiers were admitted into Dunkirk on July 
9th, all hostilities having then practically ceased between 
the troops of France and England. The French King 
thereupon claimed from England the fulfilment of her 
pledge no longer to delay the separate peace, as all sub- 
stantial matters had been agreed on. 

A new cause of embarrassment now arose, however, 
being a demand by England for her ally, the Duke of 
Savoy, that Sicily should be ceded to the Duke, from the 
Spanish Dominions : this island Louis XIV. had intended 
to bestow on the Elector of Bavaria, in return for his ser- 
vices and faithful alliance during the war, and as an indem- 
nification for what he might lose under a general treaty. 
Under this new demand from England, Louis began to be 
disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Holland, by 
\yhich Tournay was to be added to the barrier. He was 
disposed, however, to concede much to England, as Queen 
Anne's health was tottering, and his own increasing infirmi- 
ties warned him that if he was to have a peace for France, 
he had no time to lose. 

In the midst of these delays and complications, an event 
occurred which, operating powerfully in the interest of 
Louis, stimulated the ideas of the Allies towards peace. 

Although the English troops, to the extent of i8,CX)0 


men, had deserted the ranks of the Allies, the army of the 
latter was still formidable — and they still had great re- 
sources, and could fill their ranks after every defeat. 
France, however, was in a desperate state — further defeat 
would be her destruction, and peace was a necessity: she 
experienced great trouble in getting recruits — not only 
vagabonds and low, debauched persons, but even students 
of the Universities were seized and marched off to swell 
the numbers of the victims of war. General Grovestein, 
despatched by Eugene, with 15CXD horsemen, had ravaged 
Champagne, and spread alarm even at Paris, the troops 
there being kept in readiness to defend the person of the 
King. Without allies, without money, and with a dis- 
heartened army, Louis, now, thought seriously of abandon- 
ing his capital and retreating beyond the Loire. Appre- 
ciating his desperate condition, and apprehending that the 
long negotiations for peace might be abortive, Louis had 
written a letter to Villars, now his sole reliance, urging him 
to some great immediate effort. 

The spirited words of Louis to his valiant Marshal have 
come down to us. 

"You see where we are," he wrote, "to conquer or to 
perish — seek the enemy and fight him." 

"Sire," replied the Marshal, "it is your last battle." 
" No matter," replied the King, " if the battle is lost, write 
to me, privately: — I will mount my horse, pass through 
Paris, your letter in my hand — I know my French people — 
I will bring you 200,000 men and I will bury myself, with 
them, under the ruins of the monarchy. I will make a last 
effort with you, and we will perish together or save the 
State — for I will never consent to let the enemy approach 
my capital." 

Stimulated by the undaunted spirit of the King, the 
French rallied about his standards, with desperate resolve, 
and Villars gained the great battle at Denain, fought July 
24, 1712. This battle saved France. 

Villars, by a false demonstration and skilful manceuvring, 
had placed Prince Eugene in such a position that he could 
not assist a portion of his army, under the Earl of Albe- 


marie. The French, under Villars and Montesquiou, forced 
the entrenchment of the Allies, completely defeated them, 
and took possession of a large quantity of magazines of 
war, material and provisions. In this engagement a large 
number of general ofificers of the allies perished, while the 
French loss was only 500 men. 

As may be well supposed there was great rejoicings, on 
the receipt of the news of this victory, at Versailles ; the 
sixty standards taken from the enemy were carried to the 
church of Ndtre Dame ; and a religious glorification over 
this great success was celebrated by the Cardinal de 
Noailles, the Archbishop of Paris, by the express direction 
of Louis, who in his mandate to him states: "And as 
such an event is a visible mark of the favor of God, who 
knows the righteousness of my intentions, I feel bound to 
render him this special act of thanks." 

The taking of Marchiennes, by Villars, a few days after 
the battle, was important, as in it there were over two hun- 
dred pieces of cannon and many other implements of war. 
Over 6000 prisoners were there captured. Villars, also, 
moving with alacrity, retook Douay, Quesnoy, Bouchain, 
and other fortified places, in a period of little over two 
months. Every step of Villars thereafter assisted in the 
making of peace. He had indeed saved France. 


Quarrels between the attendants of the various ambassa- 
dors were not infrequent at Utrecht : one of them between 
the lackeys of the Count de Rechteren, one of the Plenipo- 
tentiaries of the States General, and those of the Chevalier 
Menager, a Plenipotentiary of France, gave rise to pro- 
longed discussion, and almost grave results. In conse- 
quence of the occurrence, the French King requested of the 
States General, the recall of Count Rechteren, on the' 
ground, that he, by encouraging and supporting his lackeys, 
had violated the law of Nations, the niceties of which re-- 
quired that both the Domestics and Coaches of Ambassa- 
dors should be as inviolate as the persons and dignity of 


their masters. On hearing of the occurrence, Louis sent 
orders to his Plenipotentiaries to suspend all negotiations 
about the Peace, until satisfaction was made to them. As 
this occurred in the midst of the negotiations, it became a 
matter of no little moment. The imbroglio arose in this 

On the 27th of July, the news of the battle of Denain 
was received at Utrecht, and, of course, was a matter of 
much glorification, on the part of those in the French in- 
terest. As the Count de Rechteren and another Dutch 
Plenipotentiary were passing the house of M. Menager, in 
a coach, the lackeys and the porter of the latter, standing in 
front of the house, as was testified in the investigation, 
hissed and laughed at, with indecent gesticulations, the 
coach on which were the lackeys of the Dutch Minister. 
Thereupon the Dutch lackeys complained to their master, 
who sent his Secretary, to desire reparation for the insult. 
A meeting of the servants of the French and Dutch Minis- 
ters was subsequently proposed to be held at M. Menager's 
house, in order to hear the testimony of both sides, as to 
the facts ; this meeting M. Menager afterwards refused to 
join in, alleging that his people denied the facts ; and he 
rather ridiculed the idea of giving any satisfaction ; stating, 
moreover, that he would not have the noise of brawling 
lackeys in his house. This answer having much exasper- 
ated the Dutch Ministers, they sent rather an impudent 
message to M. Menager, to the effect that he was making a 
pretence in order to shield the impudence of his domestics. 
The Dutch lackeys, thereupon took the matter in their own 
hands, and proceeded to satisfy their wounded honor, by 
assailing and striking the French servants, and threatened 
to cut them, with knives. A general meUe thereupon en- 
sued. It appeared that M. Rechteren, thereupon, openly 
expressed his satisfaction at the occurrence ; asserting that 
his lackeys did right in redressing their own insults, since 
their masters could not procure any redress for them. The 
whole affair was afterwards placed under the solemn deliber- 
ation of their " High Mightinesses," the States General ; 
who, after reading all the letters and testimony bearing 


upon the matter, which had now become a state affair, re- 
solved, in solemn council, a judgment in these words: 

" That affairs being in such a condition, they (their High 
Mightinesses), do not think it necessary to determine the 
right or the wfong, that either of the parties may have ; but 
that their High Mightinesses did not believe that a quarrel, 
of this nature, would have been an obstacle for retarding a 
work so great as that of Peace. That their High Mighti- 
nesses never had any advice of this quarrel between the 
Lackeys of Monsieur Menager and Monsieur, the Count de 
Rechteren, before they received the letter, mentioned at the 
beginning of this resolution ; so far were they from giving 
any order thereupon, to the Count de Rechteren, that, 
by consequence, they disown all that was done in the mat- 
ter, without their order. That they could have wished this 
affair had not been drawn out to so great a length, nor car- 
ried before his Most Christian Majesty, but, that since it is 
so, they persuade themselves, nevertheless, that though 
they have the misfortune to be at war with the King of 
France, His Majesty will do them the justice to believe, 
they never failed in the respect or high esteem which a 
Republic owes to a great King; and which they always 
had, and shall have, without ceasing. That they should 
certainly be very much troubled if his Majesty had other 
thoughts of them. That to make known, at this time, their 
desire and inclination for the advancement of the Peace 
the Count de Rechteren shall be no longer employed as 
Plenipotentiary, at the Conferences which are to be held 
for that end, and, that it shall be taken into consideration, 
according to the custom of our Government, to make a 
nomination of another Plenipotentiary." 

Some of the Deputies of the States General, not liking 
the humble tone of the above resolution, refused to give 
their assent to it ; but France carried the day — and the 
offending Plenipotentiary was removed. Thus ended the 
burlesque episode of the War of the Lackeys ; that, insig- 
nificant as it may seem, under the jealousy of national 
pride, and the delicate susceptibilities of diplomatic inter- 


course, threatened, for a time, to cause a rupture of the 
great negotiations for peace. 

The tone of the Resolution of the States General, and 
the determination of the matter in favor of France was, 
doubtless, very much due to the results of the battle of 
Denain. If the occurrence had happened with the scales 
of victory weighing on their side, as at Ramilies, no such 
very respectful resolutions would have emanated from their 
" High Mightinesses." 

The heat and persistence displayed by De Rechteren, in 
the matter, was supposed, by some, to be not without diplo- 
matic reasons. , His efforts to triumph over the representa- 
tives of the French King, were made, as was thought, in 
order that his conduct, as a plenipotentiary, might wound 
the pride, ever keenly susceptible, of the king, and, thereby, 
induce him to withdraw his plenipotentiaries from Utrecht, 
so that there might be a rupture of the conferences. The 
result, however, was to the advantage of France ; for the 
delay, occasioned by the deliberation upon this matter, 
gave France further time to perfect her outside negotiations 
with England — thereby giving her new strength in the main 


The Feeling in England During the Negotiations. — Resolutions in the 
Two Houses of Parliament. — Addresses sent to the Queen. — Public 
Opinion. — Extracts from Dr. Arbuthnot's Celebrated Satire, in be- 
half of the Tories. 


The proceedings of the Congress at Utrecht were, in the 
mean while, watched with grave anxiety and varying feel- 
ings in England. On the assent given by the French min- 
istry to the provisions as to the renunciation of the throne 
of France, by Philip, and that Dunkirk should be occupied, 
provisionally, by English troops, England was prepared to 
close the negotiations ; and, on June 6th, the agreement 
for an armistice had been made. In June, 1712, the Queen 
sent a message to Parliament, rehearsing the condition of 
negotiations and the difificulties which lay in the way of 
peace, and specifying the substantial conditions that had 
been agreed on with the French Court, as preliminaries, so 
far as England was concerned. 

The Commons, thereupon, quite subservient to the Minis- 
try, passed a resolution: "That this House has the utmost 
confidence in the promise of her Majesty to communicate 
to it the conditions of Peace, before it is concluded, and 
this House will sustain Her Majesty, in her efforts to ob- 
tain an honorable and firm peace, against all persons, 
whether within or without the kingdom, who have tried or 
will try to hinder it." In the House of Lords, however, 
there was violent opposition and debate : the proposed 
Treaty was stigmatized as disgraceful, and the articles were 
ridiculed, in so far, particularly, as they recognized the 
Bourbons as possessors of the Spanish throne, the exclusion 
of whom had been the main object of the war — and, it was 
urged, that instead of the powers of Europe being balanced, 
the weight was thrown with France : it was urged, too, 



that no separate peace should be concluded. The influence 
of the Court party, however, carried the day, and the origi- 
nal address was adopted by a large majority. A courteous 
but not enthusiastic response was made to the Queen's 
address, ending with these words, " And we humbly assure 
your Majesty that this House relies entirely upon the 
wisdom of your Majesty to iinish this great and good 
work." The Whig Lords, however, and some of the Tories 
issued a formal protest, mainly against the making of any 
separate treaty by England without the allies, and, at the 
same time, protesting that the offers of France were deceit- 
ful and insufificient. 

The Parliament was soon after prorogued. At about this 
time, during the negotiations, and until their conclusion, in 
order to sustain the Queen and her Ministers, addresses 
were sent from all over England to the two Houses, urging 
the conclusion of peace : these addresses or many of them 
are supposed to have been instigated by the Ministry. It 
may be interesting to give the text of some few of them, as 
showing, either the temper of the English people at large 
on the subject of the Peace, or the ingenuity of the Minis- 
ters in having addresses of this charac1;er prepared. The 
address of the Lord Mayor and City Officials of London is 
dated in June, 1712, and is, partially, in these humble and 
almost grovelling words : 

" We humbly beg leave to approach your Majesty, with a 
just acknowledgment of your Majesty's most gracious con- 
descension. We want words to express our gratitude to 
your Majesty for the care you have taken of the Protestant 
succession, as by law established in the House of Hanover, 
the steady pursuit of the true interests of your own king- 
doms, and the satisfaction of your allies, maugre all the dif- 
ficulties which have been artfully contrived to obstruct the 

Similar addresses poured in from cities, boroughs and 
towns, great and small, throughout the kingdom, and 
some even from the American Colonies. The following 
composition from the University of Oxford is a curious 
specimen of the canting " loyalty " of that learned body. 


" It is the common happiness of all your subjects, that your 
Majesty has, of late, been attended by persons whose coun- 
sels have gone along with your own most gracious dispo- 
sition. But, it is our peculiar honor that one of the sacred 
order, bred among us, is employed by your Majesty in 
business agreeable to his Holy Function — the treating a 
Peace — whilst our Chancellor, himself, is at the head of 
your Majesty's troops, ready to oblige the enemy, by arms, 
to accept such terms as you have thought fit to offer ; from 
whence we hope to reap that fruit of righteousness which is 
sown in peace, of them that make Peace. May God grant 
your Majesty a long enjoyment of that blessedness on 
Earth, which is the genuine as well as the promised effect 
of your own meekness and your gentle government, and 
whenever your Majesty shall be taken from us, (a calamity 
which we dare not think of), may the Immortal Crown 
of Glory be the reward of your unparalleled piety tow- 
ards God, affection to his Church and goodness to your 

The manly address of the City of Wells is in excellent 
contrast to the above effusions. 

" Most Gracious Sovereign : We, your Majesty's most du- 
tiful and loyal subjects, the Mayor, Burgesses, etc., of 
Wells, with the utmost gratitude, acknowledge your Maj- 
esty's great goodness, in endeavoring to procure, after a 
long and expensive war, a safe and honorable peace. That 
your Majesty may bring the same to a speedy conclusion, 
and live long to enjoy the blessings of it, are the hearty 
wishes and prayers of. Madam, your Majesty's most loyal 
and dutiful subjects." 

The following extract from a grandiloquent address from 
the inhabitants and Burgesses of Edinburgh, in December, 
1 71 2, is remarkable. The address begins with the usual 
sling at Marlborough and Eugene. It speaks of a " de- 
signing few who gained by the war, and were determined 
to perpetuate our miseries, by endeavoring, for their own 
private ends, to entail poverty, desolation and war upon 
generations to come." The address thus concludes : " A 
Peace is now very near concluded, in defiance of an un- 


grateful, interested spirit that has seized on some of your 
allies abroad, especially those whose precarious grandure, 
and most towering hopes so much depend upon your Maj- 
esty, and of a restless disaffected faction at home, by whose 
inhuman and hellish contrivances the death of your chief 
minister has been twice attempted,* and as we have too 
much reason to suspect, that of an high and illustrious pa- 
triot effected." " That the power of the Devil and rage of 
his emissaries may make no further advances to the throne, 
that your Majesty's sacred life may be guarded by Heaven, 
and that you may long continue the darling of your people, 
the terror of your foes, the umpire of Europe, the Restorer 
of Right, the Avenger of Wrong, and the nursing mother of 
our unspotted Church, ever the same, and ever advised by 
such a Parliament, and served by such a Ministry as the 
present is the most hearty and sincere prayer, etc." 

Up to the time of William III. no animadversion on public 
men or measures, by way of remonstrance from the people, 
was tolerated; and undue criticism was deemed treasona- 
ble : during his reign, however, the English people at large, 
had begun to be a noticeable and potential factor in public 
affairs, and under Queen Anne, popular influence was of no 
little account in shaping governmental action. And yet, 
as in Sacheverell's case, hostile comments on government 
or its measures were attended with no little risk, and Miifis^ 
ters owed much of their strength and independence to their \ 
power to prevent and punish hostile criticism. The nu- 
merous addresses in favor of peace, therefore, endorsing 
the policy of the administration, cannot be considered as 
fairly expressing public opinion on the subject, while 
Ministers had still the will and the power to restrain 
the expression of public sentiment, when adverse to their 

It would have been difficult, in fact, to determine what 
was, in reality, any general public sentiment on any subject 
at this time, among the people of England — there were not 

* This is an allusion to an attack upon Harley, by one Guiscard, a 
French Refugee and Adventurer, who stabbed the Minister, with a pen- 
knife, in the Council Chamber. 


only parties but shades of parties — moving, some of them, 
in the dark — the petty public Press manifested and repre- 
sented no views, and the weekly Essays and occasional pam- 
phlets of the time expressed the opinions of a few, and 
were too much under the bias of party and the control of 
party men to be fair exponents of public thought. 

The return of members of Parliament would of course be 
strongly indicative of public opinions : but this was of occa- 
sional occurrence and kept no step with the changing cir- 
cumstances and varying interests of the time, manipulated, 
as they were, by keen partisans, who, operating in a small 
circle in and about the Court and Capital, were able to out- 
strip all public sentiment and act before it had time to give 
itself expression. 

It is quite different in these days of free speech, free 
press and cheap postage, when steam and lightning not 
only give their aid to illumine the popular mind in regions 
both near and far from the seat of public affairs, but give it 
speedy utterance — and, consequently, power. 

In a letter or despatch written by a foreign minister in 
England, to Mr. Petticum, in 1710, found among the 
Somers tracts, the four parties in England at this time are 
thus tersely described : 

" 1st. The Tories are those who firmly adhere to the mon- 
archical government, under its legal limitations and re- 
strictions, and to the doctrine and ceremonies of the 
Church of England ; and who, upon old grudges and ani- 
mosities look on the dissenters as their declared enemies. 

" 2d. The party of the Whigs, or low Churchmen, is made 
up of such churchmen as have a brotherly tenderness for 
the dissenters, and of the dissenters themselves : and both 
these are also for the monarchy — though perhaps in a more 
restricted sense than the other. 

" 3d. The Jacobites consist of some members of the 
Church of England, and of all the Roman Catholics of the 
Kingdom ; the first of whom, upon a principle of con- 
science, the others of duty, inclination and interest did con- 
stantly adhere to the late King James; and, as far as in 
them lay, promoted his restoration as they now do that of 


the Pretender. This party is, of itself, hardly considerable 
enough to be mentioned, or taken notice of, but that upon 
all public occasions, they intrude themselves upon and mix 
with the High Churchmen ; who, though they differ in 
principle and are firmly zealous for the Protestant succes- 
sion, yet in elections do not scruple to accept their votes ; 
the rather because their competitors, the Whigs, do also 
fortify themselves by the fourth party, viz. : 

"4th. The Republican or Commonwealth men. This 
party, a spawn of the old Cromwellists, consists of a few 
Presbyterians and all the Independents of this nation, who 
would make no matter of figure, themselves, but that they 
join themselves with the true Whigs; though with as small 
encouragement from them as the Whigs receive from the 
high churchmen, arid with as little conforming to their 
political principles. 

" From these intrusions, it comes to pass, that upon any 
contention and disputes that arise between the two great 
parties of this nation, the Tories and Whigs mutually 
asperse one another with the odious appellations of the 
minor party, which sometimes lurks among them ; so that 
the Tories call the Whigs Republicans, and the Whigs call 
the Tories Jacobites. " 


Although somewhat intrenching upon the gravity of 
serious historical narrative, it may not be out of place to 
give, here, an extract from Dr. Arbuthnot's celebrated jeu 
d' esprit called " Law is a bottomless pit, or the History of 
John Bull," as illustrating one set of opinions on the ques- 
tions pending at Utrecht. The effect of this satire, it is re- 
lated, was wonderful ; as it was admirably adapted to the 
purpose in view ; and its humor commended itself to minds 
of every capacity ; it appeared in successive parts, and did 
much to divert the popular mind from the brilliant but 
illusory successes of the war, towards the solid advantages 
of peace. 

It placed before the People the great questions which 


affected their own prosperity as well as the national inter- 
ests, in-a broad, plain light, and with an ingenious art that 
seemed to present no argument and urge no views, but 
which, in effect, under the guise of a humorous picture of 
public affairs, was in powerful advocacy of peace. The 
Satire is generally included in the published works of Swift ; 
and, probably, his lively humor and trenchant pen had 
something to do with its composition. 

In this brochure the War of the Succession is humorously 
described as "John Bull's great law suit." The extract 
gives a burlesque account of the nature of the proceedings 
at Utrecht, the trouble in bringing about a meeting of the 
parties engaged in the " Law suit," and the difficulty of in- 
ducing the Dutch to speak their sentiments, and to make 
the French deliver in their answers. The haughty tone 
and pretensions of the House of Austria are also adroitly 


Nic. Frog* had given his word that he would meet the 
above mentioned company at the "Salutation," to talk of 
this agreement. Though he durst not directly break his 
appointment, he made many a shuffling excuse — one time 
he pretended to be seized with the gout in his right knee — ■ 
then he got a great cold, that had struck him deaf of one 
ear, afterward, two of his coach-horses fell sick, and he 
durst not go by water, for fear of catching an ague. Johnf 
would take no excuse, but hurried him away : " Come, Nic," 
says he, " let's go and hear, at least, what this old fellow 
' has to propose. I hope there is no hurt in that." " Be it 
so," quoth Nic, " but if I catch any harm, woe be to you ; 
my wife and children will curse you as long as they live." 
When they were come to the " Salutation," John concluded 
all was sure, then ; and that he should be troubled no more 
with law affairs ; he thought everybody as plain and sin- 

* Holland. t England. 


cere as he was. " Well, neighbors," quoth he, " let's now 
make an end of all matters, and live peaceably together, 
for the time to come : if everybody is as well inclined as I, 
we shall quickly come to the upshot of our affair." And 
so, pointing to Frog to say something, to the great surprise 
of all the company, Frog was seized with the dead palsy in 
the tongue. John began to ask him some plain questions, 
and whooped and halloed in his ear. " Let's come to the 
point, Nic. ! Who wouldest thou have to be Lord Strutt ? * 
Wouldest thou have Philip Baboon ? " f Nic. shook his 
head and said nothing. " Wilt thou then have Esquire 
South:}: to be Lord Strutt?" Nic. shook his head a second 
time. " Then who the devil wilt thou have ? — say some- 
thing or another." Nic. opened his mouth, and pointed to 
his tongue, and cried, " A, a, a, a ! " which was as much as 
to say he could not speak. John Bull — " Shall I serve Philip 
Baboon with broadcloth, and accept of the composition 
that he offers, with the liberty of his parks and fish-ponds ? " 
Then Nic. roared like a bull, " O, o, o, o /" John Bull—" If 
thou wilt not let me have them, wilt thou take them thy- 
self?" Then Nic. grinned, cackled, and laughed, till he was 
like to kill himself, and seemed to be so pleased that he fell 
a frisking and dancing about the room. John Bull — " Shall 
I leave all this matter to thy management, Nic, and go 
about my business ? " Then Nic. got up a glass, and drank 
to John, shaking him by the hand, till he had like to have 
shook his shoulder out of joint. John Bull — " I understand 
thee, Nic, but I shall make thee speak, before I go." 
Then Nic. put his finger in his cheek, and made it crj' 
Buck ! — which was as much as to say, " I care not a far- 
thing for thee." John Bull — " I have done, Nic; if thou wilt 
not speak, I'll make my own terms with old Lewis § here." 
Then Nic. lolled out his tongue, and turned up his back to 
him. John, perceiving that Frog could not speak, turns to 
old Lewis : — " Since we cannot make this obstinate fellow 
speak, Lewis, pray condescend a little to his humor, and 

* King of Spain. { The Emperor. 

+ Philip of Anjou. § Louis XIV. 


set down thy meaning upon paper, that he may answer it 
in another scrap." 

"lam infinitely sorry," quoth Lewis, "that it happens 
so unfortunately: for playing a little at cudgels, t'other 
day, a fellow has given me such a rap over the right arm, 
that I am quite lame — I have lost the use of my forefinger 
and my thumb, so that I cannot hold my pen." 

John Bull — " That's all one — let me write for you." 

Lewis — " But I have a misfortune, that I cannot read 
anybody's hand but my own." 

John Bull — " Try what you can do with your left hand." 

Lewis — " That's impossible ; it will make such a scrawl, 
that it will not be legible." 

As they were talking of this matter, in came Esquire 
South * all dressed up, in feathers and ribbons — stark, star- 
ing mad — brandishing his sword, as if he would have cut 
off their heads ; crying, " Room ! — room ! — boys, for the 
grand Esquire of the world ! — the floWer of esquires ! — 
What ! — covered in my presence ?— I'll crush your souls, and 
crack you, like lice ! " With that he had like to have 
struck John Bull's hat into the fire; but John, who was 
pretty strong fisted, gave him such a squeeze as made his 
eyes water. He went on still in his mad pranks : " When 
I am lord of the universe, the sun shall prostrate and adore 
me ! Thou, Frog, shall be my bailiff — Lewis my tailor — 
and thou, John Bull, shalt be my fool ! " 

All this while. Frog laughed in his sleeve, gave the Es- 
quire t'other noggin of brandy, and clapped him on the 
back, which made him ten times madder. 

Poor John stood, in amaze, talking thus to himself: 
" Well, John, thou art got into rare company ! One has a 
dumb devil, t'other a mad devil, and a third a spirit of in- 
firmity. An honest man has a fine time on't among such 
rogues. What art thou asking of them, after all ? Some 
mighty boon, one would think ! — only to sit quietly at thy 
own fireside. — 'Sdeath, what have I to do with such fel- 
lows ?" 

* The Archduke was now become Emperor of Germany, being unani- 
mously elected upon the death of Joseph the First. 


" John Bull, after all his losses and crosses, can live better 
without them, than they can without him. Would to God 
I lived a thousand leagues off them ! — but the devil's in't ; 
John Bull is in, and John Bull must get out as well as he 
can." As he was talking to himself, he observed Frog and 
old Lewis edging toward one another, to whisper ; * so that 
John was forced to sit with his arms a-kimbo to keep them 
asunder. Some people advised John to blood Frog under 
the tongue, or take away his bread and butter ; which 
would certainly make him speak; and to give Esquire 
South hellebore — as for Lewis, some were for ehiollient 
poultices ; others for opening his arm with an incision knife. 

. I think I left John Bull sitting between Nic. Frog and 
Lewis Baboon, with his arms a-kimbo, in great concern to 
keep Lewis and Nic. asunder.-f- As watchful as he was, Nic. 
found the means, now and then, to steal a whisper, and by 
a cleanly contrivance under the table, to slip a short note 
into Lewis' hand ; which Lewis as slyly put into John's 
pocket, with a pinch or a jog, to warn him what he was 

John had the curiosity to retire into a corner to peruse 
these billets doux of Nic.'s ; wherein he found, that Nic. had 
used great freedom both with his interest and reputation. 
One contained these words: 

" Dear Lewis : Thou seest clearly, that this blockhead 
can never bring his matters to bear; let me and thee 
talk to-night, by ourselves, at the ' Rose,' and I will give 
thee satisfaction." 

Another was thus expressed : — " Friend Lewis, has thy 
sense quite forsaken thee, to make Bull such offers? — Hold 
fast — part with nothing — and I will give thee a better bar- 
gain, I'll warrant thee." 

In some of his billets, he told Lewis, that John Bull was 
under his guardianship — that the best part of his servants 

* Some attempts at secret negotiations between the French and the 

t Some offers of the Dutch at that time, in order to get the negotiations 
into their own hands. 


were under his command — that he could have John gagged 
and bound, whenever he pleased, by the people of his own 

In all these epistles, blockhead, dunce, ass, coxcomb, 
were the best epithets he gave poor John. In others he 
threatened* that he. Esquire South, and the rest of the 
tradesmen would lay Lewis down upon his back, and beat 
out his breath if he did not retire immediately, and break 
up the meeting. 

I fancy that I need not tell my readers that John often 
changed color as he read ; and that his fingers itched to 
give Nic. a good slap on the chops : but he wisely mod- 
erated his choleric temper. 

" 1 saved this fellow," quoth he, " from the gallows, when 
he ran away from his last master,')' because I thought he 
was harshly treated ; but the rogue was no longer safe 
under my protection, than he began to lie, pilfer and steal, 
like the devil. When I first set him up, in a warm house, 
he had hardly put up his sign, when he began to debauch 
my best customers from me. Then it was his constant 
practice to rob my fish ponds ; not only to feed his family 
but to trade with the fish mongers : I censured the fellow, 
till he began to tell me, that they were his as much as 

" In my manor oiX East Cheap, because it lay at some 
distance from my constant inspection, he broke down my 
fences, robbed my orchards, and beat my servants. When I 
used to reprimand him for his tricks, he would talk saucily, 
lie, and brazen it out, as if he had done nothing amiss. 
' Will nothing cure thee of thy pranks, Nic. ? ' quoth I. 
' I shall be forced, some time or other, to chastise thee. 
The rogue got up his cane and threatened me, and was well 
thrashed for his pains. But I think his conduct, at this 
time, worse than all. After I have almost drowned myself 

* Threat that the allies would carry on the war without England. 

t The King of Spain, whose yoke the Dutch threw off. 

I Complaints against the Dutch, for encroachments in trade, fishery in 
the East Indies, etc. The English war with the Dutch, on these ac- 


to keep his head above water, he would leave me sticking in 
the mud, trusting to his goodness to help me out. 

" After I have beggared myself with his troublesome law- 
suit — with a pox to him ! — he takes it in mighty dudgeon, 
because I have brought him here to end matters amicably ; 
and because I wont let him make me over, by deed and in- 
denture, as his lawful cully ; which to my certain knowledge 
he has attempted several times. But, after all, canst thou 
gather grapes from thorns? Nic. does not pretend to be a 
gentleman — he is a tradesman, a self-seeking wretch — but 
how earnest thou to bear all this, John ? — The reason is 
plain ; thou conferrest the benefits, and he receives them ; 
the first produces love, and the last ingratitude. Ah ! Nic, 
Nic, thou art a damned dog ! — that's certain, — thou knowest 
too well that I will take care of thee ; else thou wouldst 
not use me thus. I wont give fhee up, it is true ; but as 
true as it is, thou shalt not sell me, according to thy laud- 
able custom." 

While John was deep in this soliloquy, Nic. broke out 
into the following protestation : 

" Gentlemen : I believe everybody here present will allow 
me to be a very just and disinterested person. My 
friend John Bull here, is very angry with me, forsooth — 
because I wont agree to his foolish bargains. Now I de- 
clare to all mankind, I should be ready to sacrifice my own 
concerns to his quiet, but the care of his interest, and that 
of the honest tradesmen * that are embarked with us, keeps 
me from entering into this composition. What shall be- 
come of those poor creatures? The thought of their im- 
pending ruin disturbs my night's rest ; therefore I desire 
they may speak for themselves. If they are willing to 
give up this affair, I shan't make two words of it." 

John Bull begged him to lay aside that immoderate con- 
cern for him; and withal, put him in mind, that the inter, 
est of those tradesmen had not sat quite so heavy upon 
him, some years ago, on a like occasion. _Nic. answered 
little to that, but immediately pulled out a boatswain's 
whistle. Upon the first whiff, the tradesmen cam^; jumping 

* The Allies. 


into the room, and began to surround Lewis, like so many- 
yelping curs about a great boar ; or, to use a modester sim- 
ile, like duns at a great lord's levde, the morning he goes 
into the country. One pulled him by his sleeve, another 
by the skirt, a third halloed in his ear ; they began to ask 
him for all that had been taken from their forefathers by 
stealth, "fraud, force, or lawful purchase — some asked for 
manors, others for acres, that lay convenient for them — 
that he would pull down his fences, level his ditches — all 
agreed in one common demand, that he should be purged, 
sweated, vomited, and starved till he came to a sizeable 
bulk, like that of his neighbors. One modestly asked him 
leave to call him "brother;" Nic. Frog demanded two 
things, to be his porter and his iishmonger, to keep the 
keys of his gates, and furnish the kitchen. John's sister 
Peg* only desired that he would let his servants sing 
psalms a Sundays. Some descended even to the asking 
of old clothes, shoes and boots, broken bottles, tobacco- 
pipes and ends of candles. 

"Monsieur Bull," quoth Lewis, "you seem to be a man 
of some breeding ; — for God's sake, use your interest with 
these Messieurs, that they would speak, but one at once — 
for if one had a hundred pair of hands, and as many 
tongues, he cannot satisfy them all, at this rate." John 
begged they might proceed with some method : then they 
stopped all of a sudden, and would not say a word. " If 
this be your play," quoth John, " that we may not be like a 
quaker's dumb meeting, let us begin some diversion ; what 
d'ye think of roily poly, or a country dance ? What if we 
should have a match at foot-ball ? I am sure we shall never 
end matters, at this rate." 

At about the beginning of the ensuing year, (1713,) the 
sentence of Sacheverell, the Tory pulpit advocate, who had 
been interdicted from preaching for three years, expired. 
The Doctor, with characteristic regard for his personal no- 
toriety, celebrated the event of the release of his tongue 

* The Protestants. 


from its enforced silence, by preaching a sermon, with the 
modest text, as applicable to himself, of " Father, forgive 
them, for they know not what they do " ! — He received 
for his vocal martyrdom, a fat Westminster "living." 
Swift, the other political divine, was, also, for his perform- 
ances, as general slanderer of persons and parties, promoted 
to the Deanery of St. Patrick's, although he had fixed his 
ambition on a Bishopric. Queen Anne and her Ministers, 
however, thought it would be going too far, to make him a 
successor of the apostles. 

In allusion to Swift's elevation to his Deanery, another 
witty Irish Dean of the period * gave vent to the following 
epigram : 

" This place he got, by wit and rhyme. 
And many ways most odd ; 
And might a Bishop be, in timer- 
Did he believe in God ! " 

* The Dean of Clogher. 


Continued Negotiations during the Summer and Autumn of 171 2. — The 
French Plenipotentiaries become Exacting. — Arrogant Speech by 
them to the Dutch Envoys. — St. John's Private Negotiations vifith 
De Torcy. — He is created Viscount Bolingbroke. — His Secret Mis- 
sion to France. — Bolingbroke's Despatches to Prior. — Pretensions of 
France. — Intrigues of the Dutch. — New Delays by France. — Further 
Despatches to Prior. — Ultimata of England. — Perplexity of the Plen- 
ipotentiaries. — The Treaties finally Signed. 

In the mean while, St. John kept up his private negotia- 
tions with the Court of France. On June 7, after the first 
armistice had been agreed on, he wrote to De Torcy, the 
French Minister, expressing his confidence in the good 
faith of the French King, but telling him that it -was nec- 
essary to hasten the peace ; and that " it would frighten the 
Dutch into it, to be told that the Queen would no longer 
act against France ; and that, if they (the Dutch) do not 
hasten to make their agreement they will have a burden 
upon their backs greater than they can bear." 

The success of the French at Denain, the raising of the 
siege of Landresies, the taking of Bouchain, Marchiennes, 
Douay and Quesnoy, and several minor successes, in taking 
stores of war, gave such new morale to the French that they 
raised their ideas to such an extent, that the Dutch Pleni- 
potentiaries threatened to retire and break off negotia- 
tions ; and so signified their intentions to the French diplo- 
matic agents : but, relying upon English support, the 
Frenchmen derided the threat, and the astute Abb6 Pol- 
ignac abruptly replied : " Gentlemen, you must change your 
style — according to circumstances. We will not leave 
here — and we will make a treaty — in your own country — 
about you — and without you." In the terse French words 
the rejoinder was, " Messieurs, Les circonstances sont chang^es 



— Ilfaut changer de ton : Nous traiterons chez vous — de vous 
— et sans vous." * 

As to affairs in England, Parliament had been dissolved, 
in July, 1712, and the Queen had created St. John, Vis- 
count Bolingbroke. 

Even after the brilliant successes of Villars, in the Cam- 
paign of 1712, the Dutch and the other continental allies 
still continued firm in their opposition to peace, unless it 
were dictated to France, sword in hand. The decease of 
the Dauphins had much embarrassed and delayed action, 
at Utrecht; and the victory at Denain and the subsequent 
successes of the French had also placed matters in such an 
aspect, that the French were encouraged to promote further 
delays, in order to make more advantageous terms for 
France. To settle these and other matters, Bolingbroke, 
proceeded secretly to the Court of France, in company 
with the skilful negotiators, Gaultier and Prior. Boling- 
broke's instructions were of such a character that he had 
authority to conclude a separate peace between England 
France, Spain, and Savoy ; and he, consequently, arranged 
terms with reference to those countries, with little regard 
to the claims of the other allied States. On Bolingbroke 
leaving France, so pleased was Louis with his efforts, that 
he presented him with a very valuable diamond ring — a 
dangerous gift under the circumstances. Bolingbroke de- 
parted on the 28th of August (N. S.), leaying Prior to close 
details. These related to the forms of the renunciations, and 
to regulations to prevent the union of the two Crowns, and 
also to several provisions for the Treaty of Commerce. These 
private negotiations of Bolingbroke with De Torcy and the 
Court of France were, subsequently, matters of grave 
charge against the former. He was, in after years, and 

* In a letter, written by the Abb6 Polignac to M. de Torcy, after the 
battle of Denain, he thus expressed himself with respect to the attitude 
taken by the French Plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, under the new aspect 
of affairs : 

" Le Compte Zinzendorf sent vivement sa decadence. Nous prenons, 
k Utrecht, la figure que les HoUandais avaient k Gertruydenberg, et ils 
prennent la notre ; c'est une revanche bien complette." 


with much plausibility, accused of having carried on a pri- 
vate treaty with France, with having betrayed the interests 
of the Allies, and with having communicated the secrets of 
the Council Chamber to the French Ministers, to the ad- 
vantage of France. It was charged also that he had advo- 
cated the continuance of the Duke of Anjou on the Span- 
ish throne. He was further accused of favoring the return 
of the Stuarts ; to which last accusation his subsequent 
conduct in France gave strong support. 

On the 9th August, 1712, the second and general armis- 
tice for the cessation of all hostilities was signed, at Paris, 
between France, Spain and England, extending from the 
22d of August to the 22d of December. This provided 
also that the English troops should be withdrawn from 
Spain, and that the Spaniards should immediately cause 
the blockade of Gibraltar to be raised. Armistices were 
also at subsequent times, declared, and, from time to time, 
continued, for the suspension of arms, by Portugal and 
Savoy. Bolingbroke's letter to Prior, of September, 1712, 
indicates that the Conferences at Utrecht were quite subor- 
dinate to his outside negotiations. " Let the Conferences,' 
he writes, " begin as soon as they can. I dare say business 
will not be very speedily despatched in them. In the mean 
time, we shall go on to ripen everything for a conclusion 
between Holland and Savoy, France and Spain — and this 
is the true point of view which the French ought to have 
before their eyes." In the autumn of 1712, Bolingbroke 
also thus wrote to Prior: "You will be, very shortly, par- 
ticularly and fully instructed to settle the articles of North 
America, and those points of Commerce still undetermined. 
That done, the Ministers may sign at Utrecht, as soon as 
they can hear from Lord Lexington." 

The above despatches show that the Ministers at Utrecht 
stood very much in the light of puppets, and that they 
were allowed merely to put in shape what might be de- 
termined, elsewhere. In another part of the letter, Boling- 
broke writes, " For God's sake, dear Matt, hide the naked- 
ness of thy country, and give the best turn thy fertile brain 
will furnish thee with, to the blunders of thy countrymen, 


who are not much better Politicians than the French are 

Meanwhile, affairs at Utrecht were fluctuating; some- 
times councils of peace prevailed, and all troubles seemed 
to roll up from the field of European politics — when, sud- 
denly, some unexpected cloud would appear, and obscure 
the bright vision still hovering in the skies. Finally, tow- 
ards the close of the year, there seemed an earnest desire 
on the part of most of the Plenipotentiaries to conclude 
the session and establish the Peace. They were wearied 
with the long and stormy deliberations and harassed by 
instructions and counter-instructions from their respective 
courts. Apprehensive lest some new event might change 
the aspect of affairs and overturn what had been so far 
accomplished, the lesser powers anxiously waited to follow 
the lead of the great States, until whose action nothing 
could be determined. 

France by her alliance with England, and her recent suc- 
cesses'in the field, had an increased diplomatic strength and 
influence in the conferences ; and. she was disposed still to 
dictate, with some arrogance, what sh^ had never before 
ventured to advocate. The experienced diplomatists who 
superintended the French interests at Paris, well knew that 
they had a strong hold on the English Ministers, who had 
their tenure of office only on the basis of their concluding a 
peace ; any failure so to do, and that speedily, would have 
precipitated them, at once, from power. The Frenchmen 
took advantage of this, and to further their ends, en- 
deavored to compel the English ministry to make the peace 
on the basis of ever increasing demands and exactions. 
France, now, was in a very much more prosperous con- 
dition than at the time of the negotiations at Gertruyden- 
berg. Her army was invigorated and again had the prestige 
of success ; her people were richer, and her statesmen conse- 
quently became again aggressive. She had, during the last 
year, according to the old poHcy, pushed forward her 
troops and increased her territories, and seemed still in- 
clined to a Fabian policy, as regards negotiation for peace, 
with a view to gaining, by delay, more advantageous terms. 


She now had control in the negotiation, and her old arro- 
gance returned. This had been specially manifested in the 
position taken by her, in the settlement of the singular 
quarrel at Utrecht, before referred to : but the Dutch still 
remained obstinate, and persisted in their opposition to 
peace, on the terms advocated by England. 

The French now insisted on the restitution of Tournay 
as well as Lisle, which the British plenipotentiaries were 
not inclined to allow: and the Dutch stoutly held out, 
claiming Tournay as essential to their barrier, and urging 
that the Queen, in her speech, had stated that it was to be 
retained for them. The French still insisted, however, in 
their opposition ; and the English Ministers avoided the 
dilemma, in a sneaking way, by deserting the Dutch, and 
saying that they would leave the question to be settled 
between them and the French. But the Dutch were so 
violent and determined, that they at last succeeded in 
maintaining Tournay as part of their barrier, but it was 
only upon increased concessions made to France, in other 
regards. The British Ministers now endeavored to influ- 
ence the King of Prussia and the Elector of Hanover to 
take sides with them, in making the peace as proposed : 
but both of the above Princes flatly refused to desert the 
Dutch and the Emperor. 

In October, 1712, the Dutch began to propound their 
own schemes for a Treaty, relating mainly to their barrier 
and the proposed commercial tariff with France and Spain : 
the desertion from the alliance of the Duke of Savoy and 
the King of Portugal having precipitated their ideas tow- 
ards peace. In the mean while, November 5th (N. S.), 
Philip had signed and sworn to his renunciation, which was 
formally enacted into a law by the Cortes. On the 20th 
of November, the Earl of Strafford was sent to the Hague, 
with a new plan of peace based upon the French demands, 
with instructions, that unless the Dutch were willing to 
sign the Treaties in conjunction with England, immedi- 
ately and without delay, the Queen would sign with 
France, without waiting longer than three weeks for the 
assent of the Dutch. If the Dutch did not sign, it wag 


declared that England would no longer assist them in the 
retention of Tournay. Finally, at the end of Dec, 1712, 
the States General announced their willingness to give 
their consent to the Queen's plan, and yielded all their pre- 
tensions to various suggested changes, particularly for the 
restoring of Strasburg to the Empire, and for adding 
Cond6 to their bai'rier, which France had absolutely refused 
to allow. 

The French now, everything being apparently settled, 
began to try to elude their engagements with England and 
to insist on other terms. " They act neither fairly nor 
wisely," wrote Bolingbroke to Prior, who was still in 
France. " They pray us," he writes, " to conclude, so that 
they may have others at their mercy ; and, at the same 
time, they chicane with us, concerning the most essential 
article of our treaty, and endeavor to elude an agreement 
made, repeated, and confirmed." By reason of the new 
delays the cessation of arms had to be again continued for 
another four months. 

The fishery question and some provisions relating to 
commerce were now the principal causes of delay, and to 
overcome this, the British ministers sent over a substitute 
for certain articles in the proposed Treaty of Commerce, to 
which the astute De Torcy, seeing it was for the advantage 
of France, immediately assented. This substitution was 
article 9 of the treaty of commerce ; and was supposed to 
be a sop thrown in by Oxford and Bolingbroke to induce 
the French to close the matter. By this substitution, the 
English ministry gave up certain important points of dis- 
pute as to North America and the fishery of Newfound- 
land. These substitutions in the Treaty of Commerce, Par- 
liament, and a Whig administration, afterwards, indignantly 
refused to carry into operation. 

The British . Ministry were still much disturbed by the 
delay yet interposed, and the double dealing of France. 
On January 19, 1713, Bolingbroke thus wrote to Prior — 
" I have exhausted all my stock of arguments in the long 
letter, which, by the Queen's order, I write to the Duke of 
Shrewsbury. To you I can only add, we stand on the 


brink of a precipice — but the French stand there too. 
Pray, tell M. de Torcy, from me, that he may get Robin 
and Harry * hanged ; but affairs will soon run back into so 
much confusion, that he will wish us alive again. To speak 
seriously, unless the Queen can talk of her interests as 
determined with France, and unless your court will keep 
our allies in the wrong, as they are sufficiently at this time, 
I foresee inextricable difficulties. My scheme is this : Let 
France fairly satisfy the Queen — and let the Queen imme- 
diately declare to Parliament that she is ready to sign ; 
and, at the same time, let the French Plenipotentiaries 
show a disposition to treat with all the Allies." 

The letter then enumerates the several offers France 
should make the Allies, and continues, " If such overtures 
as these made to the allies were not instantly accepted, our 
separate Peace would, the Parliament sitting, be addressed 
for and approved — and the cause of France, for once, 
become popular in Britain. If they were accepted, let 
M. de Torcy consider what a bargain would be made for 
France. Let him remember his journey to the Hague, and 
compare the plans of lyog and 1712! M. de Torcy has a 
confidence in you — make use of it, once for all, upon this 
occasion — and convince him, thoroughly, that we must 
give a different turn to our Parliament and our People, 
according to their resolution, at this crisis." 

In January, 1 71 3, also, Bolingbroke, learning that the 
Dutch were still intriguing for a separate treaty with 
France, thus emphatically wrote to Prior : " We are now 
at the true crisis of our disease — we die at once or recover 
at once. Let France depart from that shameful expedient 
by which they thought to bubble us out of the advantages 
which they had solemnly yielded, and all is well — other- 
wise, by G-d, both they and we are undone. The Queen 
can neither delay the meeting of the Parliament longer 
than the 3d, nor speak to the Houses till we hear from 
you. — Make the French ashamed of their sneaking chicane. 
— By Heaven, they treat like Pedlars, or which is worse, 
like Attorneys." 

* Oxford and Bolingbroke. 


Bolingbroke, in February thereafter, also sent a peremp- 
tory despatch to the Duke of Shrewsbury, then on a spe- 
cial mission to Paris, to the effect that if there were any 
more delays he would put a stop to all negotiations. Fi- 
nally, irritated and disturbed, apprehensive of the issue of 
a new campaign, and determined to play a strong card, the 
English Ministry sent their ultimata to Paris, on every 
proposition in dispute ; this gave such stimulus to the 
French Court, apprehensive, in their turn, of a rupture of 
negotiations, that they became more moderate in their 
views, and more desirous to settle the terms of pacification. 
At length, the Duke of Shrewsbury, having written to the 
English ministry that France had given its adhesion to the 
last article in dispute, relative to the American fisheries, 
the English Plenipotentiaries, at Utrecht, were instructed 
to conclude the Treaties of Peace and Commerce with 
France, without any further delay. The French, however, 
were still so arrogant in their pretensions and varying in 
their demands, that, even although the British Plenipoten- 
tiaries at Utrecht were positively instructed to make and 
sign the peace, they hesitated so to do, alleging that their 
powers were not sufiSciently explicit, as to making a sepa- 
rate peace; and wrote to Bolingbroke in April, 171 3, 
asserting "that the behavior of the French was so different 
than what had been promised, that they were mightily 
perplexed, and that they could say a great deal to justify 
their cautious proceedings with the French, and were satis- 
fied that he would be of the same opinion, if he could see 
their way of negotiating with the allies." A new com- 
mission was thereupon sent, with orders both from the 
Lord Treasurer and Bolingbroke, that the final Treaty 
should be made at once. 

The English Plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, thereupon, 
issued a manifesto to those of the other great Powers at 
the Congress, notifying them that they intended to con- 
clude their treaties with France, immediately ; and recom- 
mended the other Plenipotentiaries to close their treaties 
with that country, without further delay. A main consid- 
eration for this urgency on the part of the British Minis- 


ters was the fact that the health of Queen Anne was failing, 
and her demise at any time was not improbable : that 
event would have placed the house of Hanover and the 
Whigs in control of the State ; and would have disturbed, 
and possibly have prevented, all further negotiations for 
Peace. The future King of England was no friend of 
France : he had strong sympathies with the Whigs, and 
suspected the Tories of Jacobite proclivities and intrigues 
to exclude him from the throne. He sympathized also 
with Marlborough, in his disgrace, and longed to be in Eng- 
land to chastise the party leaders who were instrumental in 
furthering a peace on a basis which caused the desertion of 
her allies, by England, and which, under its then conditions, 
he deemed disgraceful to that country. 

The conclusion was now precipitated. The Treaties — 
everything having been agreed on — were hurriedly put in 
shape, and all feared some new contretemps, which might 
create further embarrassment. 

The complicated negotiations connected with the Span- 
ish succession, and the settlement of the terms of Peace, 
after the great war of ten years' duration, were now finally 
brought to a close, and the determinations of the contract- 
ing parties formulated into the Treaty or set of Treaties 
commonly known as the '^Treaty of Utrecht," were made 
the subject of solemn compact. The Treaty between Eng- 
land and France, and that of France with Savoy were 
signed at the house of the Bishop of Bristol ; and the 
others at the house of the Earl of Strafford ; where, we are 
told, that some dispute having arisen, as to the substitution 
of certain phrases, the matter was settled between the Eng- 
lish and French Plenipotentiaries by the throwing of dice! — 
so indisposed were they to further verbal debate. It was 
observed that some of the representatives of the States 
General signed with reluctant and somewhat trembling 


Digest of the Text of the Various Treaties.— Treaty with England. — Hol- 
land. — Portugal. — Prussia. — Savoy, and other States at Utrecht. — 
Subsequent Treaties between England and Spain ; Germany and 
France. — The Barrier Treaty. — Holland and the Emperor. — Spain 
and Portugal. — Memorial of the Protestants. 


The main great Treaty was that of the 31st of March, 
or, according to the new style, nth April, 1713, between 
France and England. 

The text of this important compact thus begins : 

" Whereas, it has pleased Almighty God, for the glory 
of his name and for the Universal Welfare, so to direct the 
minds of Kings, for the healing, now in his own time, the 
miseries of the wasted world, that, they are disposed tow- 
ards one another with a mutual desire of making Peace — 
Be it therefore known, to all and singular whom it may 
concern, that, under the divine guidance, the Most Serene 
and the Most Potent, Lady Anne, by the grace of God, 
Queen of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and the Most 
Serene and Most Potent Prince and Lord, Louis XIV., by 
the Grace of God, the most Christian King, consulting as 
well, the advantages of their subjects, as providing (as well 
as mortals are able to do), for the perpetual tranquillity of 
the whole Christian World, have resolved, at last, to put 
an end to the war which was unhappily kindled, and has 
been obstinately carried on above these ten years — being 
both cruel and destructive, by reason of the frequency of 
battles and the effusion of Christian blood^and have ap- 
pointed," etc. — (Here follow the names of the Plenipoten- 
tiaries, with all their resounding titles.) 

The Treaty then declares that the said Plenipotentiaries 
have been furnished " with full and ample power to Treat, 
agree of, and conclude, a firm and lasting Peace between 



their Royal Majesties Wherefore, the aforesaid Am- 
bassadors, after divers and important consultations, had in 
the Congress held at Utrecht, for that purpose, having, at 
length, overcome, without the intervention of any mediator, 
all the obstacles which hindered the end of so wholesome 
a design ; and having invoked the Divine Assistance, that 
God will be pleased to preserve this their work entire and 
unviolated, and to prolong it, to the last Posterity ; after 
having mutually communicated and duly exchanged their 
full Powers, have agreed on the reciprocal conditions 
of Peace and Friendship, between their above mentioned 
Majesties and their people, and subjects, as follows : " 

Then follows the main text of the Treaty. 

After provisions reciting that " an Universal and Perpet- 
ual Peace and a true and Sincere Friendship " are estab- 
lished between the King and Queen and their respective 
subjects ; and that all enmities, discords, hostilities and 
Wars are to cease between them ; and that oflences, inju- 
ries, harms and Damages which have been suffered by 
either country shall be buried in oblivion, the Treaty asserts 
" the Right and order of the Hereditary succession to the 
Crown of Great Britain and the limitations thereof by the 
laws of Great Britain," in expansive terms of recognition; 
and the clause finishes in these words of rejection of the 
claims of the Stuarts ; "and for adding more ample credit 
to the said acknowledgment and promises, the Most Chris- 
tian King does engage that, whereas, the person who, in the 
lifetime of the late King, James II., did take upon him the 
title of Prince of Wales, and, since the decease of the King, 
that of King of Great Britain, is lately gone, of his own 
accord, out of the Kingdom of France, to reside in some 
other place. He, the aforesaid Most Christian King, His 
heirs and Successors, will take all possible care that he 
shall not at any time hereafter, nor under any pretence 
whatsoever, return into the Kingdom of France, or any of 
the Dominions thereof." 

The Treaty then provides for the freedom of navigation 
between the two countries, according to the Treaty of 
Commerce also made of the same date. It is further 


provided, on the part of France, that Dunkirk should be 
razed, the harbor filled up, and the dykes broken ; and 
that there should be restored and delivered to Great 
Britain " the Bay and Straits of Hudson, together with all 
the adjacent land, seas and places ; likewise the Island of 
St. Christopher; also Nova Scotia or ' Acadie ;' also the 
City of Port Royal,* and the Island of Newfoundland ; and 
the French were not to iish within fixed limits from the 
coast of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia." 

It was further agreed, that the French " were no longer 
to molest the Five Nations or Cantons of Indians, subject to 
the Dominion of Great Britain, nor the other natives of 
America, who are friends to the same." 

After reciting the renunciations of all right to the crown 
of France, by Philip, and to the crown of Spain, by the 
King's grandson, the Duke of Berry, and by the King's 
nephew, the Duke of Orleans, and the endorsement thereof 
by Louis, by Letters Patent, it is provided in the Treaty, j 
" That at no time whatever, either the Catholic King himself, ' 
or any one of his lineage, shall seek to obtain the Crown of 
France, or ascend the throne thereof ; and by reciprocal 
renunciations, on the part of France, and by settlements of 
the hereditary succession there, tending to the same pur- 
pose, the Crowns of France and Spain are so separated and 
divided from each other, that the aforesaid renunciations and 
the other transactions relating thereto, remaining in force, 
and being truly and faithfully observed, they never ca?i be 
joined in one." 

* This town now bears the name of Annapolis, and is about 95 miles 
west of Halifax, in Nova Scotia. It has a capacious harbor, through a 
narrow and difficult strait. The first European settlement on this 
part of the Coast was made by De Monts, in 1604. Under the name of 
Port Royal, Annapolis was the Capital of the French Colony of Acadia. 
The settlement of the French was several times obstructed by the Eng- 
lish, who claimed Nova Scotia, by right of original discovery ; that name 
was given to the region in a Patent from James I. The Patentees, 
however, finding the place full of foreign adventurers, abandoned it. 
Cromwell subdued the foreign settlers, in 1654 ; but England finally 
ceded the region to France, by the treaty of Breda, in 1667. 


There are otjier special provisions in the Treaty, but the 
above are the most substantial and important. 

It is signed by the Bishop of Bristol and the Earl of 
Strafford, on the part of England, and by D'Huxelles and 
Menager on the part of France, on the 31st of March and 
nth April, 1713. 

These signatures were made under special commission 
from the two respective courts, and the above Ministers 
were constituted ambassadors extraordinary and plenipo- 
tentiaries for the special purpose of signing the treaty. 

A Treaty of Navigation and commerce was also signed 
on the same day. This Treaty was very voluminous and 
special in its details, containing forty-one articles with 
others subsequently added. By it, free or neutral ships 
are to make free goods, except in case of goods contraband 
of war ; and, in case of war by either party, the ships of 
the other are to carry Passports or Sea letters. 

The above Treaties were immediately ratified respect- 
ively by Queen Anne and Louis ; and their own signa- 
tures and seals were appended. 

The important harbor and fortress of Dunkirk which, by 
the above treaty, was to be demolished, as a concession to 
England, had been wrested from France, by Cromwell ; 
and had been basely sold by Charles II. of England to 
Louis, in 1662, for the consideration of four hundred thou- 
sand pounds. The itnportance of the place was then under- 
estimated — or else, as Charles' treasury was empty, Parlia- 
ment indisposed to be liberal, and the place required 
£ip,ooo a year for its maintenance — or perhaps particu- 
larly, as the English King's desire for money absorbed all 
other considerations, this great harbor and fortress was 
passed over to the French. This sale excited much indig- 
nation in England, who then looked, with alarm, upon the 
growing power of France ; — it was one of the most un- 
popular acts of an unpopular reign. The possession of 
Dunkirk was a memorial of England's former military 
prowess ; and its possession, like that of Calais, in former 
days,, was a defiance to France and Spain, and, as such, 
most grateful to the English national and patriotic feeling. 


On acquiring possession of Dunkirk, Louis, with an army 
of thirty thousand laborers, had constructed fortifications 
by land and sea, making the place almost impregnable, 
and erected docks and basins in which fleets of merchant- 
men might take refuge, and navies ride ; and in which, 
before long, privateers were fitted out that devastated Eng- 
lish and Dutch commerce. It was, therefore, a place most 
useful to the French in time of war; and particularly so, 
as it was the only port, east of Brest, along the French 
coast, from which large expeditions could be made for an 
attack on England. Its existence, in its fortified cbndition, 
was a continual menace to that country ; and its destruction 
would remove from France facilities for attack which were 
always a source of apprehension both to England and 

The consent now given, by Louis, that this important 
place should be razed, was yielded with great reluctance ; 
but its occupation by the English forces, in 171 2, under 
bargain with the Tory ministry, was a sine qua non, by 
which, alone, the English granted a cessation of arms as is 
above related, and withdrew Ormond's troops. These were 
fatal blows to the allies ; and put Louis in a condition 
almost to dictate peace to the Dutch and Germans. Such 
an advantage was well worth the destruction of Dunkirk — 
humiliating as it was. 

An expedition, in favor of the Pretender, had been pre- 
pared at Dunkirk, during the recent war, and all the 
ships and armament for attack on England gathered there. 
He set sail from Dunkirk in the Spring of 1708, but the 
expedition proved a failure.* 

Nova Scotia, or Acadia, as it was called by the French, 
was among the Provinces surrendered by the terms of the 
above Treaty: the inhabitants were all of French descent, 
and although mildly governed by the English after formal 

*By article 17 of the Treaty between France and Great Britain, signed 
at Versailles in Sept., 1783, all articles in anterior treaties, relative to 
Dunkirk, commencing from that of Utrecht inclusively, were abro- 
gated ; and the English commissioners who had resided in that place, to 
prevent any extension of the fortifications, were withdrawn. 


possession was taken in 171 5, for forty years refused to 
take the oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain ; 
and being considered rather turbulent subjects, suspected of 
collusion with the French and Indians to restore the prov- 
ince to France, were forcibly and violently removed by the 
English, in 1755. More than six thousand of them were 
taken from the Province and scattered, stripped of their pos- 
sessions, and almost in a state of starvation, among various 
American Colonies. Many of them fled to Canada and to 
the banks of the St. Johns. Many went to Louisiana, 
where their descendants continue to form a distinct popu- 
lation even at this day, and are still known by their former 
appellation, or, as abbreviated, " Cadians." The historian 
Bancroft strongly denounces the treatment that these peo- 
ple received at the hands of the English — torn as they were 
from their homes — separated from each other — and placed 
among those who were strangers in language, in race and 
in religion. " I know not," he writes, " if the annals of the 
human race keep the record of sorrows so wantonly in- 
flicted, so bitter and so lasting, as fell upon the French in- 
habitants of Acadia ! " 

Edmund Burke thus records his views of this outrage : 
"We did, in my opinion, most inhumanly, and upon pre- 
tences, that, in the eye of an honest man, are not worth a 
farthing, root out this poor, innocent, deserving people, 
whom our utter inability to govern or to reconcile gave us 
no sort of right to extirpate." 


The treaty between Holland and France also bears date, 
April II. 

After providing for a good, firm, faithful and inviolable 
peace, and general Oblivion and Amnesty, special provisions 
follow, in great number. The most important is that re- 
lating to the proposed barrier of the Spanish Netherlands, 
which are to be ceded to Holland for the House of Austria ; 
the King of Prussia to retain his possessions therein, as 
theretofore, and as provided by the treaty with him, as also 


the Princess d'Ursini, her principality; (which was not, 
however, given her). In this cession of the Spanish Neth- 
erlands were included the Duchy, town, and fortress of Lux- 
embourg, as also the provinces, strong towns and places of 
Charleroi, Nieuport, Chiny and Namur. All former rights 
of the Elector of Bavaria over the region as theretofore 
transferred to him, by Spain, the said Elector is to yield, 
and he is to transfer his right to the House of Austria, so 
soon as the Elector is put in possession of his own territo- 
ries, that he was possessed of in the Empire before the 
War, except the upper Palatinate ; and he is to be estab- 
lished in his right and rank as 9th Elector, and is to be put 
in possession of the island of Sardinia* and receive the 
title of King thereof. The towns of Menin, Tournay, and 
the Tournaisis, are to be transferred to the States General, 
in behalf of the House of Austria ; as also Ypres, Loo, 
Furnes, Knocque, Dixminden, and other strong places. In 
return. Lisle, Orchies, Laleu, Aire, Bethune, St. Amant, 
Montagne, St. Venant and other places are to be delivered 
over to France. 

After reciting the various renunciations, as to the crowns 
of France and Spain above referred to, the union of the 
crozvns of France and Spain in one person, is provided 
against in the strongest terms. 

A separate treaty of Commerce and Navigation be- 
tween Holland and France, was also made, to continue for 
twenty-five years, in which was the important provision 
that all enemies' goods are to be protected by a neutral 


On the same day as the treaty with England, the treaty 
between Louis of France and John V., King of Portugal, 
was signed. 

The most important provisions of this treaty, after the 
general ones for closing the war, and exchanging prisoners, 
were for the regulation of commerce and navigation be- 

* But by the treaty of Baden {post), Sardinia is given to the Emperor. 


tween the two countries, including the renunciation, by- 
France, of all right to navigate or use the Amazon, and to 
any of the other dbmains of the Portuguese, in America. 


This treaty was also signed April 11, 1713, and spe- 
cially ratified, afterwards, by the Kings of France, Prussia 
and Spain : it provides for a good and sincere Peace, never 
to be altered, in any manner. The upper quarter of Span- 
ish Guelderland, and the countries of Kesel and Krieck- 
enback are to be yielded and acknowledged to belong to 
Prussia ; the Roman Catholic religion to be retained there, 
in such parts where it exists. The King of Prussia, also, 
is acknowledged as sovereign of Neuchatel and Vallengin. 
The King of Prussia, in return, renounces to Louis all right 
to the estates of the Principality of Orange, situate in 
France or Burgundy— and is to indemnify the heirs of the 
Prince of Nassau therefor. The King of Prussia is also 
recognized as King, with right to the title of Majesty, and 
is to assume the right to name the part of Gueldres ceded 
to him, as the principality of Orange. 


This Treaty also bears the same date as the foregoing — 
April II, 1713. 

After the declaration, that a firm and inviolable Peace 
was to be made between Savoy and France, it is declared, 
that all the territories of the Duke of Savoy, including 
Nice, are to be restored to him, and the strong places and 
forts therein, with all their warlike stores. Various valleys 
and places are also designated as included, and the top of 
the Alps is to form the boundary between Piedmont and 
France. Sicily* is also given to Savoy, through consent of 
the Spanish crown ; and the Duke is recognized as King 
of Sicily. The Spanish crown is also to fall to the Duke, 
and his successors, on failure of the descendants of Philip 

* Subsequently exchanged for Sardinia. 


pursuant to the act of the King and Cortes of November, 

Various other provisions are contained, treating of mat- 
ters arising out of the war, and certain commercial relations 
are established. A great many Protests, Memorials, and 
complaints were also passed upon by the Congress, that 
were put in, in behalf of various titled claimants to the va- 
rious principalities, dignities and territories, which are not 
now of general interest. 

APRIL, 171 3. 

It is in curious contrast with the great treaty made in 
the cause of humanity and peace with Great Britain, that, 
on the 1st of May, 1713, a compact was made between the 
English and Spanish Governments to the effect that an 
English company, under the patronage of Queen Anne, was 
to have a monopoly to supply the Spanish West Indies with 
negro slaves, for the space of thirty years, to the extent of 
144,000 negroes, at the rate of 4800 yearly ! This extraor- 
dinary contract was afterwards ratified by a formal treaty 
between the two Powers. 


As the King of Spain was not directly represented at the 
regular sessions at Utrecht, a treaty was subsequently made 
between Great Britain and Spain, which was concluded on 
July 13, 1713. 

This treaty provides that there should be a Christian and 
Universal Peace between the two countries, and recites the 
renunciation by the King of Spain, of all right to the 
French throne ; " in such manner that the two crozvns can 
never be united; " and it further acknowledges the Queen 
and her successors as sovereigns of Great Britain, according 
to the laws of succession established there, and Spain is to 
oppose all other persons claiming the succession. The 
Treaty thereupon provides that there shall be free use of 


navigation between the two countries, as it existed prior to 
the war. 

There is also the provision that the Catholic King shall 
thereby, for himself, his heirs and successors, yield to the 
Crown of Great Britain the full and entire property, " of 
the town and castle of Gibraltar, to be held and enjoyed 
absolutely, with all manner of. right, forever, without any 
exception or impediment whatsoever." 

The island of Minorca was also yielded to Great Britaih ; 
and it was further provided that the King of Spain should 
not part with or alienate any of the dominions, wherever 
situate, belonging to that Kingdom. 


The Emperor, who had been the head and front of the 
alliance, and whose interests were mainly involved in the 
war, was, after the signature of the treaties at Utrecht, left 
alone — the grand alliance being practically dissolved. 

The French King had sent proposals of peace to the Em- 
peror, bearing date nth April, 17 1 3, to be accepted before 
the first of June then next. The terms were numerous : 
the principal ones being that the Rhine should be the bar- 
rier between the two countries ; and that the Duchy of Mi- 
lan and the Kingdom of Naples should belong to the house 
of Austria ; as also the Spanish Netherlands ; and that all 
of their dominions should be restored to the Electors of Co- 
logne and Bavaria ; the latter Prince was also to receive the 
Kingdom of Sardinia. The Bourbon King, Philip, was, of 
course, to be retained on the Spanish throne. But the 
proud House of Austria could not bring itself to yield its 
pretensions to the Spanish crown : the Emperor still kept 
his armies afoot, under the leadership of Prince Eugene, 
who still was violently opposed to all peace with France, 
unless he could secure, for Austria, the entire Spanish Do- 
minion ; or, at any rate, the crown of Spain. 

After the conclusion of the principal negotiations, at 
Utrecht, the Elector of Mayence called a meeting of the 
Circles of the Empire, to deliberate on the conditions of 


peace proposed by France. At this conference, the Em- 
peror's agent, Count Sinzendorff, endeavored to influence 
the representatives of the Circles in favor of the continu- 
ance of the war; and the Imperial Court issued a decree 
calling for further hostilities : it was sent to a Diet of the 
Empire, held at Ratisbonne, which determined on the fol- 
lowing resolution : — 

" That the propositions made by France were so exacting 
th^t their acceptance would tarnish the glory of the German 
nation, and destroy its constitution — thus that they cannot 
be accepted." " That after the unexpected separation of 
the allies, nothing remained but to imitate the noble cour- 
age of the Emperor, so as to preserve the liberty that the 
German nation had so gloriously inherited from its ances- 
tors. For that reason, it was necessary, to make use of all 
their efforts, in concord and union, while imploring divine 
assistance in so glorious a war ; which should be preferred 
to French slavery, which would infallibly ensue, if Peace 
was accepted, . under the conditions that were offered. 
That ^s the Germans now stood, alone, to cope with France, 
all must send their contingents for the war ; " and the Em- 
peror was called upon to vigorously punish all those who 
gave assistance to the enemy. 

The Emperor, thereupon, issued a manifesto of a very 
severe character, threatening punishment against all his 
German subjects, who might join the enemy or lend him 
countenance in any way ; and proclaiming the continuance 
of hostilities. The protest of the Emperor was partially as 
follows : " Since after a war, so prolonged and so ruinous to 
all Christendom, it seems that the Powers of Europe are 
about to make a mutual peace between themselves, and are 
about to ratify it without any regard to our interests, we 
have judged it proper to assert, by this Protest, our indubit- 
able rights against all that may dare to gainsay or alienate 
them, to our prejudice. And, indeed, it is not only the 
state of our own affairs that concerns us, but the immutable 
love that we have for our good subjects causes us to regard, 
with great grief, that their lives and property have been 
sacrificed to sustain the crying injustice that has been done 


us, and that they are in this condition, that if they make 
Peace regardless of us, they must necessarily become the 
prey of strangers and undergo their yoke." The Emperor 
therefore was still obstinate ; and preferred to carry on the 
war, singly, rather than give up his position. 

Hostilities were mainly confined to the territories on the 
Rhine, where the results were not fortunate to the German 
arms. Marshal Villars, commanding the troops of the 
King, besieged and took Landau in August, and after- 
wards Fribourg, in November following, where many prison- 
ers were captured and much munition of war secured. 
These successes of France at length seriously disposed the 
Emperor to peace ; and Prince Eugene was authorized to 
commence negotiations with that view; Marshal Villars 
representing France. Negotiations were somewhat pro- 
longed ; and their rupture being probable, new levies were 
ordered by the German Diet, and Prince Eugene departed 
from Rastadt where the negotiations were proceeding. 

In Feb., 1714, Louis thus wrote to Madame de Main- 
tenon — " Peace is not yet made, but it will soon be signed. 
Prince Eugene has returned to Rastadt, and Villars is about 
going there. — Everything is arranged ; and I have ordered 
Marshal Villars to sign. I have supposed that you will 
not be sorry to know of this good news, somewhat sooner 
than you otherwise would. You must not speak of it, ex- 
cept by saying, that the Prince Eugene returning to Ras- 
tadt, the conferences will be renewed. I have no doubt of 
Peace. — I rejoice with you. — Let us thank the good God!" 

The Treaty with the Emperor was eventually signed at 
Rastadt ; and not finally concluded until nearly a year after 
the other main treaties ; the treaty being dated March 6, 

\ After the usual provisions " for a Christian and Universal 
peace ; and a true, sincere and perpetual amity," between 
the two countries, and a " perpetual oblivion and amnesty," 
ithe former treaties of Westphalia, Nymeguen and Ryswick 
/are pronounced as the basis of the present treaty, in the 
particulars where no change is made. The following are 
the substantial provisions : — The City and fortress of Old 


Brisach, Friburg, Fort Kehl, and other specified fortresses, 
places and territories on the right bank of the Rhine and 
elsewhere are to be restored to the Emperor, and others on 
the left bank, to France ; the free navigation of the river to 
be open to both countries. The cities of Tournay, and the 
Tournaisis, and Menin are also yielded to the Empire ; 
and the other places theretofore yielded to Holland, in be- 
half of the Emperor. 

By the Emperor's prolongation of the war he lost the im- 
portant place of Landau, which he was obliged to yield to 
France, and which France had offered him if he had as- 
sented to the Treaties of 171 3, at Utrecht. Other places 
and territories that belong to Baden, the Electorate of 
Treves and the Palatinate, the Bishops of Worms and Spire, 
and to the House of Wurtemburg respectively, are to be re- 
stored, and certain fortresses held by France were to be razed 
or evacuated. The house of Brunswick-Hanover was to be 
recognized by France, as an Electorate ; and the Emperor 
stipulated that the Archbishop of Cologne and the Elector 
of Bavaria should be restored to their dominions and digni- 
ties ; they to recognize the new Electorate of Hanover. 
Part of his territories restored to the Elector of Bavaria 
was the Principality of Mindelheim, which had been con- 
ferred on Marlborough by the Emperor Joseph, in appreci- 
ation of Marlborough's distinguished successes in the service 
of the allies. Although Marlborough sent to the Emperor 
a protest against his deprivation of the principality, which 
he valued as a reward and a memorial of his valor and gen- 
ius, his protest was ineffectual, and he received no indem- 
nity for the loss of this estate, worth £20x1 a year, ex- 
cept the empty title of Prince of the Holy Roman Empire. .-' 

It is further provided in the treaty that the Emperor is^ 
to enter in possession of the Spanish Netherlands and oth6('i;r 
adjacent districts and territories, to hold them for his hei^irs 
and successors thenceforward, forever, according to a|ie 
rangements, for their occupation, to be made between Hosle 
land and the Empire. The King of Prussia was to retaitd, 
certain specified districts. The Emperor was to have then, 
then Spanish possessions, especially the Kingdom of Na-^e 


pies, Milan, Sardinia, and the ports of Tuscany, including 
the fortresses on the Tuscan coast, without any interfer- 
ence of France : and, by the treaty of Baden {infra), was to 
take the Duchies of Mantua and Mirandola. Provision is 
made for a more general and solemn treaty to be made 
thereafter, on consultation with the Prince Electors and 
States of the Empire. 

This treaty was afterwards ratified at Baden in Sep- 
tember, 1 7 14, with more special provisions, and with some 
modification of previous treaties. 

Nothing appears in either of these treaties as to the suc- 
cession to the thrones either of France or Spain. The 
Treaty of Baden was the final result of the terrible war 
of the Succession which arose out of thp decease of Charles 
II. of Spain, of whom a French writer * says : " His funeral 
obsequies were the occasion of so many others, that it 
might be well said of him, as was said of another Prince, 
that it would have been well, if he had never been born, or 
had never died ! " 

A medal was struck on the conclusion of the War by the 
peace of Baden ; on one side of which were the heads of 
Eugene and Villars looking towards each other, with the 
legend, in Latin : " Formerly two thunderbolts of war." 
On the reverse of the medal were the words, " Now instru- 
ments of peace," and two swords surrounded by olive 
branches, and the genius of Peace with a pen in hand. 


A treaty had been made between England and Holland 
in January, 1713 ; the main features of which related to 
the acknowledgment and continuance of the Protestant 
Succession in the former country, on the one side, and the 
guaranteeing the maintenance of the barrier to be estab- 
lished for Holland, on the other. A Treaty called the 
" Treaty of the Barrier " had also, theretofore, been made 
between Great Britain and Holland while the war was at 
its height. This latter compact was made in October, 1709 ; 

* De Flassan, 


by it the Dutch were guaranteed the mihtary occupation, 
at all times, of certain fortresses and territories on the 
frontier of the Spanish Netherlands, as a barrier against 
France. On the part of Holland, it was agreed, that she 
should furnish succor, by land and sea, to maintain the 
Queen in the quiet possession of her kingdoms ; and also 
defend the succession of the House of Hanover to the 
British Crown. This treaty and the one above recited of 
the same character were severely criticised in England as 
unnecessary and absurd; and it was claimed that Great 
Britain could not, in reason, be called upon to sustain it. 
Said Swift, in one of his pungent papers, in 1712 : "But 
how must it sound in a European ear, that Great Britain, 
after maintaining a war for so many years, with so much 
glory and success, and such prodigious expense ; after sav- 
ing the Empire, Holland and Portugal, and almost recover- 
ing Spain, should, toward the close of the war, enter into a 
treaty with seven Dutch provinces to secure to them a 
dominion larger than their own, which she had conquered 
for them, and to undertake for a great deal more, without 
stipulating the least advantage for herself ; and accept as 
an equivalent, the mean condition of those States to pre- 
serve her Queen upon the throne ; 'vchom, by God's assist- 
ance, she is able to defend against all her enemies and 
allies put together." 


A further treaty was that made between Holland and 
the Emperor to establish the barrier on the frontier of the 
Spanish Netherlands, as a protection to Holland. By the 
terms of the main Treaty of Utrecht, with Holland, the 
United Provinces were to remain in possession of the 
Spanish Netherlands, until the Emperor had arranged with 
the Dutch for the establishment of their permanent barrier. 
The treaty arranging this barrier was signed, at Antwerp, 
in November, 1715. By its provisions, Holland was to yield 
up the possession of all towns and Provinces in the Spanish 
Netherlands, formerly held by Charles H., or that had been 


ceded by France; and the Emperor stipulated, in turn, 
that no part of the Spanish Netherlands should be there- 
after ceded to France, nor to any Prince not a successor or 
heir to the House of Austria. An army, contributed in 
certain proportions by either country, was to remain in 
occupation of certain designated places in the Austrian 
Netherlands, as they were thereafter to be called, and 
certain strong places in Gueldres were given to Holland. 
England was a party to and guaranteed the maintenance of 
this treaty, and was to furnish a contingent in case of any 
attack on places within the barrier. 


A treaty of Peace was also made between Spain and 
Portugal which was concluded at Utrecht, under date of 
February 6, 171 5; by which the territories of each nation 
were to be mutually restored, as before the war. 


On the 26th of June, 17 14, a Treaty of Peace and Com- 
merce was also made between Holland and Spain. 

There were also other treaties made by several of the 
minor states, which it would be of little interest now to 


Besides the political elements involved in the discussions 
at Utrecht, certain religious privileges and rights were 
sought to be established. During the last days of the 
Sessions, an appeal was put before the Plenipotentiaries, 
by the Protestant Princes and States, in furtherance of the 
principle of religious toleration, and, particularly, for the 
relief of the French Huguenots. The memorial address, 
on which the appeal was made, was offered by the Pro- 
testant Plenipotentiaries, and presented to the Plenipo- 
tentiaries of France on the nth of April, 1713. 


" Wherefore," the Protestant Plenipotentiaries conclude 
in their request, " the Plenipotentiaries of the said allies 
find themselves obliged, pursuant to the express orders of 
their sovereigns, to require with the utmost earnestness. 
Messieurs, the Plenipotentiaries of his Most Christian 
Majesty, to represent to the King, their Master, that the 
relief the French Protestants have so long groaned for 
may be granted them, and that they may be re-established 
in their religious rights and privileges, and enjoy an entire 
liberty of conscience ; and that such of them as are in 
prisons and galleys, and otherwise confined, maybe enlarged 
and set at liberty, to the end that those afflicted people 
may have a share in that peace which Europe, in all ap- 
pearance, is going to enjoy." 

It appeared from the memorial that, within the previous 
thirty years, under one pretence or another, over three 
hundred Protestant churches had been broken up in France 
by the interference of Government. " By this," the memo- 
rial states, " over a million of persons have not only been 
deprived of all manner of exercise of religious instruction, 
or religious comfort in sickness, but, besides these calami- 
ties, the greatest part of them have been compelled to 
promise and subscribe to adhere to the worship and errors 
of the Church of Rome. Others have abandoned their 
native land, or were expelled thence, without any subsist- 
ence or comfort, except what they found in the charitable 
reception given them by foreign Protestants." The Me- 
morial then speaks of those who persisted in their faith, 
or offered any resistance, being transported into slavery 
to the French Colonies of America, thrown into prisons 
and convents, and condemned to the galleys without regard 
to age or quality; of the tearing of children from their 
parents ; of the confiscation of estates ; of the forcing of 
the Romish tenets upon the young and helpless, and of 
causing them to do a great many things, under the Romish 
discipline, " which fill their consciences with horror, and 
overwhelm their souls with grief." The Memorial con- 
cludes with praying the Congress to adopt measures, in the 
Treaty, for the protection of the Protestants in France, in 


the exercise of their worship, and in their family relations; 
the restitution of their estates and franchises as citizens, 
and of the confiscated estates of exiles. Memorials were 
also put in in behalf of the Protestant estates and subjects 
of the Kingdom of Hungary, and of the Principality of 
Transylvania, and of the Province of Silesia. 

But the Congress was too much exercised in settling 
territorial and political matters to give any attention to 
religious questions. They had appealed to God, at the 
beginning of the Sessions, but practically ignored his 
interests at the close. It does not appear that anything 
was said or done, in furtherance of the objects of the 
Memorial, and the application of the Protestant advocates 
was entirely disregarded. Thereupon they put in a protest, 
before the Magistrates of Utrecht, dated May 26, 1713, 
stating that their just hopes of redress by the King of 
France had been frustrated, and lamenting that no Poten- 
tate had undertaken, in the Congress, the office of mediator 
in their behalf. 

On the conclusion of the great Peace, a commemorative 
medal was struck ; in which Astrsea is represented descend- 
ing from the skies with the attributes of Peace, Justice and 
Abundance, and bearing the motto: Spes felicitatis Orbis, 
Pax Ultrajactensis : XI. Apr His, 171 3.* 

* The Peace of Utrecht, the hope of happiness for the World. 


Reception of the Treaty of Utrecht. — Views in Germany. — Sentiment in 
England, and Holland. — Opinion of Louis XIV., and the Marquis de 
Torcy. — Views of Historians, and Others. — Views in Favor of the 
Peace. — Bolingbroke's Reflections upon it. — Macaulay's Views. — The 
Clause in the Treaty with Great Britain recognizing the Protestant 


Since the great Treaty of Westphalia, which pacified Eu- 
rope by closing the "Thirty Years' War," there had been no 
Treaty involving such important interests and settling ques- 
tions of such political moment as the series of compacts 
called the " Treaty of Utrecht." This great and humane 
agreement of peace, so longed for by the vs^earied and ha- 
rassed peoples of Europe, the result of prolonged and anx- 
ious labor, and which had been adjusted by the wisest and 
most experienced statesmen of the time, on a basis that 
was. deemed just for all, gave great discontent in many 
quarters ; — and indeed, seemed grateful in none. 

Criticisms, accusations, reproaches and denunciations flew 
about, like birds of ill omen, over Europe, and indicated 
that the repose of the Nations, gladdened, for a time, by 
dreams of peace, could not be of long duration. 

The following is a translation of one of the most 
acrid Philippics of the time, indicating the views on the 
German side of the question, and is a bitter malediction on 
the Peace and its promoters. 

" No enlightened person characterizes the Peace of 
Utrecht except as hideous and abominable. It is well said, 
that it is a peace blown into existence by the most danger- 
ous of all seducing influences, listened to by the most sim- 
ple of all imbeciles, connived at by the most shameful com- 
placency, projected by the blackest of treasons. All en- 
lightened persons denounce it as commenced under the 



wildest confusion, pushed forward by atrocious perfidy, 
managed by the most deceiving dissimulations, treated by 
the most stupid incapacity, imposed by the most disdainful 
arrogance, prescribed by the most enormous injustice and 
brought to birth amidst the most tumultuous discords.— 
A peace concluded amid the wildest fears, subscribed by 
the most abominable constraint, accepted by the most sor- 
did greed, approved by the most flagrant corruption, ap- 
plauded by the most stupid ignorance, received with the 
keenest bitterness and preserved with an absurd mystery. 
Peace ! — which tarnishes the glorious streams of blood flow- 
ing in a just war, and opening adundant sources of tears — 
bitter to honorable men, who foresee, with the profoundest 
grief, the imminent and perilous slavery of wretched Eu- 
rope. Peace ! — that posterity will regard with detestable 
horror. Peace ! whose ignominy will find no parallel in fu- 
ture ages. In fine, Peace, whose sweet name of benediction 
is unfortunately turned into a frightful prognostic of evil — 
whose bonfires of joy and illuminations should only serve 
as wretched funeral pyres to the fleshless skeleton of the 
expiring liberty of Europe, and for which no Te Deum can 
be chaunted without blasphemous impiety. 

" One only light of glory is seen — that of the allies, who, 
with a constant faith and an unalterable sincerity and can- 
dor, had, in 1709 and 1710, at the Hague and at Gertruy- 
denberg, been arrayed for a peace which was in harmony 
with the glorious exploits of a long and happy war ; which 
peace was obstructed by methods now notorious to the 
whole earth ; and that, by a stupid handful of villanous 
Englishmen, who had degenerated from the generosity and 
glory of their nation." 

A great clamor, particularly against England, was kept 
up at the Imperial Court, and, in fact, by all Germany. A 
contemporary letter, purporting to be written by a servant 
of the Emperor to an Englishman, was worded in the fol- 
lowing strong denunciatory language : — 

"You are feeling triumphant now; and you do not per- 
ceive that France, alone, has carried off the victory. In what 
spirit, think you, will posterity read what you have done? 


— With with aspect, do you think, is all Europe viewing 
this event ? — like an event without parallel — which has no 
example in past times, and which, please God, may have no 
like in future times." The charge was then made, in the 
letter, of base desertion from the alliance, and, it was 
claimed, that the campaign was opening with great pros- 
pects of success — that large forces were ready for the 
spring movements, when the Duke of Ormond received his 
orders, ignominiously, to take his troops away ; and that no 
satisfaction had been made to the Emperor, for the loss of 

" But you Englishmen, — you, our allies," the letter goes 
on to say, " who have so often recognized the necessity of 
lowering the exorbitant power of France and to set limits 
to that formidable power which recognizes none, — you, who 
have so often and so solemnly recognized the right of his 
Imperial Majesty over the whole Spanish Monarchy — you, 
in fine, who were allied with us to reconquer it and to re- 
store it to the Emperor, how is it possible, that on the 
point of arriving at this end, so long desired, you change, 
all at once, your sentiment, your councils and your designs 
— that you arrest the glorious and rapid course of our com- 
mon victories — and that changing thus, from white to 
black, you take upon yourselves, in face of the whole earth, 
the despicable resolution to undo all that you have done, — 
to abandon your faithful and principal ally, to throw your- 
self upon his heritage, and to divide it, like plunder, between 
yourselves and the common enemy? Oh, Englishmen, 
Englishmen ! — what will posterity say of you — on what 
decent ground can you do what you are doing? — What 
will become of the world, and what will become of your- 
selves if such conduct becomes an example, and if other 
Powers no longer feel bound to stick to their alliances ? " 

The principal grounds of complaint of the Emperor were, 
that the common cause of the alliance had been aban- 
doned ; that Spain had been despoiled and dismembered 
and little of it given to Austria ; that the frontiers of 
France had been restored and left fortified ; and that the 
Empire had been despoiled, and left unprotected along the 



Rhine frontier, and was open to attack by France, at any- 

In Holland, also, the Peace was greeted, not only with- 
out enthusiasm, but with aversion, in spite of the bonfires 
and illuminations ordered by the States General. It was 
complained particularly there, that France was left in pos- 
session of a string of fortresses on the Rhine and in Flan- 
ders, which might operate as an advance guard for aggres- 
sion ; and that the result was not commensurate with the 
blood and treasure that had been lavished by the Dutch. 

In England, also, by very many, the terms of the Treaty 
of Utrecht were considered a special blot on the statesman- 
ship and glory of the nation : and the only part of it with 
which everybody was pleased was the Assiento agreement 
[with Spain ; by which England became an extensive slave 
ape*, and trader. Lord Chatham, in after times, char- 
acterized the Treaty as " the indelible reproach of the last 
generation," * and its conditions gave, with many, good 
reason for such a sneer against England as was made by 
Count Algarotti, when he remarked, that " the English 
made war like lions, and peace like lambs." 

Bishop Burnet, also, and other prominent men in England, 
boldly denounced the treaty as a violation of England's 
compact, and a disgraceful abandonment of the allies. 
While the Treaty was in progress, Burnet thus boldly spoke 
his views to the Queen, as he has recorded the occurrence 
in his history: — "I asked leave," he states, "to speak my 
mind plainly ; which she granted. I said, that any treaty 
by which Spain and the West Indies were left to King 
Philip, must, in a little while, deliver all Europe into the 
hands of France ; and if any such peace should be made, 
she was betrayed and we were all ruined : that, in less than 
three years' time, she would be murdered, and the fires 
would be again raised in Smithfield." 

Not only by a large number of the English people at the 

* Lord Chatham, also, writing, in 1759, to the British Minister at the 
Court of Berlin, says, " Whenever peace shall be judged proper to come 
under consideration, no peace of Utrecht will, again stain the annals of 
England ! " 



time, but subsequently, by the majority of English histori- 
ans, the Treaty of peace has been considered, not only dis- 
honorable to England, in view of her great sacrifices an^ 
her great victories, but disgraceful, in view of her relations 
to her ifllies and"ffie pjirgoses of the war. It was consid- 
ered that all the great principles which caused^ the xonfedj- 
eration of States to oppose the power of France, particularly 
as to the seating of a Bourbon on the Spanish throne, were 
abandoned ; and that the allies of England, in spite of 
solemn compact, were deserted by her, to continue the war 
alone, and to suffer defeat, by reason of the removal of 
Marlborough from command, the unexpected secret treaty 
with France, and the withdrawal of the English contingent 
from the ranks of the allies. The Catalans, too, who had 
fought desperately for the Archduke, were left without any 
provision for their protection, in the Treaty ; and were 
basely abandoned to the joint attack of France and Spain ; 
and subsequently treated with great harshness and almost 
barbarous cruelty by tho^ Powers. __^ 

To balance this, the empty honor of obtaining from 
Louis an acknowledgment of the Protestant succession, 
was considered a mere empty form of words ; which experi- 
ence had shown, after the violation of the terms of the 
Treaty of Ryswick, would be arbitrarily set at naught, at 
any time, by the King of France, when his interests might 
so dispose him. /That monarch, on the contrary, it was 
urged, might wen surrender some of the strong places in 
the Netherlands, and on the Rhine, since, by his practical 
control of Spain, his strength would be doubled for the 
purpose, at any time he so desired, of seizing them again. 
Louis, it was said, had succeeded in all his aims. He 
had gallantly fought out the war to the end, — and, with 
the exception of a few fortresses, his European territory 
was unchanged : he had prevented the aggrandizement of 
Austria — he had placed, securely, his Bourbon on the 
throne of Spain and the Indies: and bound the Spaniards 
by ties of blood and alliance of interest, as his confederates 
for any future hostile design. 

Holland, it is true, had gained her barrier ; and for this 



England had contended, but it was only after successive 
curtailments: for, under the skilful encroachments of the 
French diplomatists, the barrier was rendered of little ef- 
ficiency, inasmuch as Bethune, Aire, St. Venant, and, above 
all. Lisle, were restored to France, and moreover, the aban- 
donment of her ally, by England, left a sense of hostility 
in the minds of the Dutch, that endured for many years. 
The Treaty of Commerce with France, too, was so particu- 
larly unpopular, with the mercantile public in Great Britain, 
that ministers had to employ De Foe and other pamphlet- 
eers to support it. By taking off the high duties, imposed 
on French importations, it was considered, that trade with 
Portugal, Italy and Turkey would be injuriously affected, 
and the interests of the Nation generally impaired. Parlia- 
ment subsequently refused to pass a measure to carry cer- 
tain parts of this Treaty into operation. In addition to 
this, the commercial features of the Treaty were left, it was 
considered, so equivocal and doubtful as to leave occasion 
in after times, to disputes and hostile misunderstandings — 
to crown all, England had no security or real guarantee 
given for protection against any future act of France. 

And yet, with all the advantages that were supposed to 
accrue to France, by the Treaty, it was not considered, in 
that country, of special benefit to it. Louis, it is related, 
was so displeased with its terms that he refused to receive 
the congratulations habitual on such occasions, although 
the usual Te Deums and illuminations were directed, in 
order to influence ideas of the community as to the final 
triumphs obtained through the Peace. De Torcy, however, 
the French Minister of foreign affairs, thus, in his memoirs, 
records his satisfaction at the Treaty, so far as France was 
concerned. " England, quitting her allies, who were after- 
wards defeated at Denain, had the glory to contribute in 
restoring to Europe a happy and stable peace : advanta- 
geous to France, by the restoration of the principal places 
which she had lost during the war, by the preservation of 
those which the king had offered three years before : 
glorious, by the maintenance of a prince of the Royal family 
on the throne of Spain ; necessary, from the fatal loss, 


which the kingdom incurred, four years after that miser- 
able negotiation,* and two years after the peace, of the 
greatest king who ever yet wore the crown." 

By many, the whole proceedings at Utrecht were consid- 
ered a diplomatic farce, intended to delude the allies into 
the idea that they were engaged in assisting to make a 
Treaty, when, in fact, it was being made entirely through 
the outside negotiations between France and England. 
Tindall, the English historian, writing about twenty-five 
years after the Treaty, thus pithily gives his views on the 
subject. It was well for him that his criticism was not 
expressed during a Tory Administration. "The summary, 
then, of this whole proceeding, at Utrecht, in one short 
view, appears to be this. A Congress, for general confer- 
ence, was necessary to be opened, that the allies might, in 
appearance, agreeable to the Grand Alliance, have the oppor- 
tunity of treating and adjusting their several pretensions. 
The British Ministers were, by their instructions, to act in 
concert with their allies : but they really acted in concert 
with the French Plenipotentiaries. The allies, giving in 
their specific demands, was not to be avoided : but the 
French were to gain as much time as they possibly could, 
by unnecessary delays, and at last, insist upon such a 
method of answering these demands, as they knew the 
allies could not comply with. In the mean time, the nego- 
tiations were carrying on, directly, between England and 
France ; or rather, all the>conditions were dictated and pre- 
scribed by France, whilst the allies were amused with a dis- 
pute about the method of answering, from which France 
would not and they could not possibly depart : in which 
England agreed with the rest of the allies. 

" All particulars that .concerned even the interest of the 
Allies, were transacted between the Ministers of England 
and France, under the highest obligations of secrecy. The 
Dutch were pressed to come into the Queen's measures, 
without being acquainted with what the Queen's measures 
were : and, because they would not consent to they knew 
not what, as soon as it was resolved to send orders to the 
* The negotiations at Gertruydenberg. 


Duke of Ormond not to engage in either siege or battle, 
and the great projects were ready to be executed on the 
other side of the water, the Queen declared she looked 
upon herself now, from their conduct, to be under no obli- 
gation, whatever, to the States General. And thus, the alli- 
ance between Great Britain and her principal ally was de- 
clared to be dissolved and cancelled, before anything was 
finally agreed and concluded between Great Britain and 
France, or the .former had any security for its own trade 
and commerce, or any other advantages that were to ac- 
crue to it." 

A minister of the German circles produced the following 
jeu d' esprit on the Treaty and its illusory character : 

" Compotto, impono, conclude, illudo. Quid inde? 
Conclusum, illusum, compositum, imposttutn. 
Finis principio similis, sic or do vagatur. 
Nos dedimtts, dabimus, nolwnus, et volumus, 
Conventus noster ventus, conclusio ludus. 
Utfuit accessus, sicque recessus erit." 

Archdeacon Coxe, in his Memoirs of the Kings of Spain, 
thus records his view of the subject : 

" Thus terminated a negotiation, which proved the salva- 
tion of the House of Bourbon, and set the seal to the de- 
gradation of England ! " He then quotes the words of 
Bishop Fleetwood in the preface to his sermons, which pref- 
ace was ordered to be burned by the common hangman. 
A part of it is as follows : " We were, as all the world im- 
agined, then just entered on the ways that promised to 
lead us to suqh a peace as would have answered all the 
prayers of our religious Queen, the care and vigilance of a 
most able ministry, the payments of a willing and obedient 
people, as well as all the toils and hazards of the soldiery — 
when God, for our sins, permitted the spirit of discord to 
go forth, and, by troubling sore the Camp, the City and the 
Country, to spoil for a time this beautiful and pleasing 
prospect, and give in its stead — I know not what — Our 
enemies will tell the rest, with pleasure ! " 

One of the most pronounced of English historians, in 


denunciation of the Treaty, is Lord Mahon, who thus sum- 
marizes his views of it : " To our enemies, indeed, I would 
willingly leave the disgraceful transactions of that period. 
Let them relate the bed-chamber influence of Mrs. Masham 
with her sovereign, and the treacherous cabals of Harley 
against his colleagues — by what unworthy means, the great 
administration of Godolphin was sapped and overthrown — 
how his successors surrendered the public interests, to 
serve their own — and how subserviency to France became 
our leading principle of policy — how the Dutch were for- 
saken — and the Catalans betrayed — until, at last, this career 
of wickedness received its consummation in the shameful 
Peace of Utrecht ! " 

Keightley, another English historian, thus writes ; " But 
loss of honor was the great loss of England in this oppro-' 
brious treaty. She basely deserted and betrayed her al- 
lies, and th^ infamy would be indelible were the fact not 
certain, that it was the deed of an unprincipled minister, 
the secret foe of the Protestant succession, and supported 
by the Jacobites and high Tories, and not the act of the 

But there are other views as to the Peace entertained by 
more dispassionate thinkers, in opposition to those above 
recited ; and, which, at least, at the present day, would seem, 
under all the circumstances, more reasonable. Whatever 
were the ministerial intrigues connected with it or the polit- 
ical results of the Peace, certainly, in a broad humanitarian 
aspect, it was beneficent. It gave leisure to kings, cabinets 
and statesmen, who had been for years in a state of anxious 
unrest, and afforded them time to attend to the neglected 
internal interests of their respective States ; it gave repose 
and relief to the people, from whom the taxes that had fed 
the war had been wrung, in the midst of disease and famine, 
and whose blood had drenched the soil to further ends to 
which they, in their private spheres, were indifferent — it gave 
opportunity for science and art to pursue their noble aims 
for the extension of human welfare and happiness — it loos- 
ened the chains of Commerce, always ready to spring, with 
alacrity, at the first sound of peace ; and set free her sails, 



for the interchange of the peaceful products of long neg- 
lected industry, — it signalled the peasant again to drive his 
beasts afield, where lately had stormed the ranks of frantic 
hosts •, and sowed anew the patient earth for the golden 
yield that was to give fresh life to starving and suffering 

But great and advantageous political results were also 
obtained by the Peace ; although it has become the fashion 
for historians to decry them. The war of the Succession 
had been begun, not merely to settle the succession to the 
crown of Spain, but to guard against the undue preponder- 
ance of a single Power, and to secure the independence of 
the European States, by establishing a proper equilibrium. 
These results had been gained — and permanently gained. 
France had been checked, humiliated and weakened. She 
had found, that any future war begun by her, for mere con- 
quest, would cause all Europe to rise in arms against her. 
The fact had been demonstrated, that she could no longer, 
under any monarch, be a dictator in European politics, nor 
a mere marauder over the territories of other States ; — her 
power was no longer to preponderate — her threats no 
longer were to intimidate. A part of her frontier had been 
lost — the dominions of Spain, her great ally, had been dis- 
membered — and the crowns of France and Spain were for- 
ever disunited. 

For her ally, the Duke of Savoy, England had secured 
the return of his estates, the possession of Sicily, and the 
title of King. England had gained, for herself, strength 
and territory in the Mediterranean, as well as in America ; 
Gibraltar and Minorca were hers, for the protection of her 
Mediterranean commerce ; and obnoxious Dunkirk was to 
be razed, for the security of her southern coast. England 
had nothing more to gain, for her own advantage, by pro- 
longing the war ; the circumstances under which it was be- 
gun had changed ; and a plausible excuse for her desertion 
of her allies might be urged, in that they had not, for a 
long time, furnished their quota of troops or subsidies 
engaged for the war. By the Treaty, too, the Protestant 


succession was formally acknowledged, and the Pretender 

Besides this it might be asked, " Was the war to be end- 
less?" Every nation engaged in it was suffering — and 
neither defeat nor victory, on either side, seemed produc- 
tive of any decisive result. England came out of the; con- 
test strong and influential. Her power in European politics 
had been felt — a power which was to be lasting ; she was, 
thenceforth, to be an important factor in all settlements of 
European interests. 

Austria, too, although disappointed in her hopes as to 
the Succession, and irritated by the cession of Strasburg 
to France, had gained the most important of the Spanish 
possessions in Italy, and increased her imperial prestige and 
power, as a counterpoise to France. The Spanish Nether- 
lands, the principal theatre of contest, were also to be hers, 
and would prove an additional bulwark for Holland. Be- 
sides this, why should she further hopelessly contend for 
the Spanish throne ? The Spaniards had strongly mani- 
fested their preference for their new king, and expressed 
their detestation of Austrian rule ; and the other Powers 
seemed determined not to further carry on the contest, in 
order to force on the Spaniards a rule which they detested, 
and to establish for them a dynasty which would cause an 
amalgamation of all the Spanish dominions with those of 
the Empire, and, by conferring a double crown on the 
House of Austria, establish a strength and preponderance 
for that House, which might be as baneful for Europe as 
the other alternative. 

Holland, too, had its barrier established, which under the 
Treaty seemed sufficient, particularly, in view of the fact, 
that the Netherlands were now to be a part of Austria, the 
hereditary foe of France. 

The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne also, came out well 
by the Treaty, being restored to their former estates. 

The Duke of Hanover was confirmed in the dignity of 
Elector, and Prussia was publicly acknowledged a Kingdom 
and received advantageous additions to her territories. 
Spain too received by the Treaty peace and repose after 


the terrible conflict which had raged in every part of that 
country. She had lost, it is true, her possessions in the 
Netherlands and in Italy — but those possessions had been 
sources of weakness to her, rather than of strength ; remote 
from the mother country, they required constant supervis- 
ion and care, and needed large bodies of troops for their 
government and defence. On the oiher hand, she had 
preserved her rich colonies in America, which were her 
main sources of wealth. 

The French King, on his side, had reason to be satisfied 
with the Treaty, in many respects. By it he had saved 
France ; he had established a powerful alliance on his 
southern border ; he had founded a dynasty of his own 
family in Spain ; and had checked Austria in her efforts to 
gain preponderance in Europe. 

The Treaty, in fine, arranged with great deliberation and 
under the greatest difficulties in view of the numerous con- 
flicting demands and the jealousy and enmity with which 
each state regarded the claims of the others, showed a fair 
regard for all interests, as well as for the general welfare, in 
the maintenance of a proper balance of territorial and gov- 
ernmental power ; although no one country had received a 
triumph, or complete satisfaction. The Treaty was, with- 
out doubt, not only a blessing to humanity and to, Europe, 
but as beneficent and just as it might be made, for the re- 
spective States concerned. 

Lord Bolingbroke, in his reflections on the results of, the 
war and the Peace, contained in his Essay on " The Study 
and Use of History," written many years after the Peace, 
thus expressed himself as to the necessity of it. " It was 
high time, indeed," he writes, " to save our country from 
absolute insolvency and bankruptcy, by putting an end to a 
scheme of conduct which the prejudices of a party, the 
whimsy of some particular men, the private interest of 
more, and the ambition and avarice of our allies, who had 
been invited to a scramble, as it were, by the preliminaries 
of 1709, alone maintained." He then speaks of his efforts 
to bring about the peace, and that he felt it his duty to his 
country to endeavor to further it, although he foresaw. 


somewhat, what would happen to him for being so active 
in it : but, he avers, that he would so act, again, under the 
same circumstances. " Age and experience," he remarks, 
" might enable me to act with more ability and greater 
skill ; but all I have suffered, since the death of the Queen, 
would not hinder me from so acting. Notwithstanding 
this, I shall not be surprised if you think that the Peace of 
Utrecht was not answerable to the success of the war, nor 
to the efforts made in it. I think so myself ; and have 
always owned, even when it was making and made, that I 
thought so ; since we had committed a successful folly we 
ought to have reaped more advantage from it than we did ; 
and, whether we had left Philip, or placed another prince on 
the throne of Spain, we ought to have reduced the power 
of France and to have strengthened her neighbors much 
more than we did. We ought to have reduced her power 
for generations to come, and not to have contented our- 
selves with a momentary reduction of it." Bolingbroke 
further ascribes the failure to exact better terms from 
France to the intrigues of parties in England and Holland, 
who were opposed to all peace ; and kept the counsels of 
England and the allies disunited, until the position of 
France was so strengthened that she was in a state to resist 
undue pressure upon her. 

As regards the criticism urged against the clandestine na- 
ture of the negotiations carried on between the French and 
the English ministry, outside the Congress at Utrecht, it 
may be answered that there was nothing in them excep- 
tional to the course of habitual diplomacy. The Congress 
at Utrecht was too unwieldy, and the interests there too 
various for any such speedy termination of the controver- 
sies involved, that the interests of Europe required. 

The diplomatic punctilio was too rigid, and diplomatic 
formula too dilatory at the general Congress for the exigen- 
cies of the case ; a mere quarrel between lackeys had de- 
layed proceedings for months at Utrecht, and other delays 
threatened to paralyze -further negotiations ; therefore, 
practised statesmen like De Torcy and Oxford and Boling- 
broke, acting under the urgent wishes of their respective 


sovereigns, took the matter into their own hands, applied 
their strong judgment and common sense in a business way 
to the main purposes in view ; and, although they did not 
omit to fence with each other for diplomatic advantages, 
they acted with a frankness and directness unusual in diplo- 
macy, impressed their ardor for peace on all concerned in 
the negotiations, and finally— amid obstacles, jealousies, 
delays and objections, that seemed hydra-headed — brought 
the greatest work of the century to a solid conclusion. 

De Torcy, writing afterwards, with the reflection that 
repose afforded, thus gives his testimony of the good faith 
that characterized the negotiations. " What renders our 
negotiations at London," he remarks, "different from many 
others is that there never was any question of advantage 
beyond that of procuring Peace for Europe, nor any other 
interest than that of the State. If, on our part, we took 
pains to employ language most appropriate to please the 
Queen — it was not only due to her sex, but her zeal for 
peace ; and the sincerity of her ministers merit such praise 
as it is proper to give to good faith, which does not always 
prevail between negotiators. — Many, on the contrary, are 
wrongly of the opinion that falsehood and artifice are the 
great weapons of political intercourse." 

"The day will come," remarks Bolingbroke, in an answer 
to the libels against him, as he terms them, " the day will 
come, when authentic history will relate the passages of 
those times, without regard to the partial views of any 
party, or the particular defence of any man. Until this day 
does come, every one must decide or suspend his judgment 
as he may have reason to do ; and they, who may suffer by 
these judgments, must bear it, with that temper and respect 
which is due from every private man to public censures — 
nay, even to public prejudices." 

Macaulay, in one of his essays, passes judgment on the 
Treaty, in his usual cynical and dogmatic style : " We are, 
therefore," he remarks, " for the Peace of Utrecht. We are, 
indeed, no admirers of the statesmen who concluded that 
peace. Harley, we believe, was a solemn trifler — St. John 
a brilliant knave. The great body of their followers con- 


sisted of the country clergy and the country gentry ; two 
classes of men who were, then, inferior in intelligence to 
decent shopkeepers or farmers, of our time. * * * It is 
true that the means by which the Tories came into power, 
in 1710, were most disreputable. . It is true, that the man- 
ner in which they used their power was often unjust and 
cruel. It is true, that, in order to bring about their favor- 
ite project of peace, they resorted to slander and deception, 
without the slightest scruple. It is true, that they passed 
off, on the British nation, a renunciation, which they knew 
to be invalid. It is true that they gave up the Catalans to 
the vengeance of Philip, in a manner inconsistent with hu- 
manity and national honor. But on the great question of 
Peace or War, we cannot but think; that, though their mo- 
tives may have been selfish and malevolent, their decision 
was beneficial to the State." 


There is a secret history, with regard to the clause in 
the Treaty between France and England, by which the 
Protestant succession in Great Britain was recognized, as 
one of the terms of the pacification. To obtain this recog- 
nition had been one of the objects of the war; and the ac- 
knowledgment of the Pretender, as King, by Louis XIV., 
when William III. was King of England, had been the 
main cause that had brought that country into the alliance 
with the Emperor and Holland, against France. 

A fear of Papacy — a dread of French interference and 
French influence — the remembrance of the tyranny and big- 
otry of James — and, above all, the heroic qualities and no- 
table virtues of William and Mary, had caused any indica- 
tion of an intention, on the part of France, to assist the 
Catholic Pretender to the English throne, to be viewed, 
throughout England, with fierce indignation. 

Circumstances, however, had changed. King James was 
no more — death had given him a political absolution — the 
Pretender, his son, was of the old stock — he was an English- 


man — he, personally, had done the realm no harm — he was 
a prince of resolution and manly qualities — he promised 
toleration — and, above all, as a paramount qualification 
with many throughout the land — he embodied that spiritual 
essence which sanctified his cause — the jus divinum — the 
divine right of kingship. On the other hand, when Anne — 
now in feeble health and childless — should pass from the 
throne, who was designated to take her place, as by law 
established? — A tottering old German woman, or her dull, 
sensual boor of a son — both indifferent to everything 
English — unsympathetic with the English people — ignorant 
of their laws and even of their language. 

Naturally, men's minds, and an increasing number of 
them, were directed seriously to consider the claims of the 
Pretender, as the health of the Queen deteriorated from 
day to day. It began to be widely supposed, that the 
House of Hanover would have difficulty in placing itself on 
the throne. It was thought that if the Pretender and his 
friends could only establish themselves, with some show of 
strength and popularity, either in England or Scotland, 
ready for the coming emergency, that, when it arose, by 
rapid movement acquiring strength through growing enthu- 
siasm and loyalty for the legitimate race, he might march 
on London — appeal to the people, who are always ready to 
be moved by courageous resolution — then fortify himself, 
so as to draw to his side the influential men who, as in 
William's day, would want to jump to the winning side — 
and thus secure the crown. 

During the year of the consummation of the Peace, and 
for a year before, the partisans of both the House of Han- 
over and of Stuart, apprehending the speedy decease of 
the Queen, were indefatigable in their efforts and incessant 
in their intrigues. Constant communication was kept up, 
by means of agents, spies and partisans, between the courts 
of either House and those of influence about the English 
court. Women and men. Noble and Priest, Sectarians and 
fortune-seekers, low intriguers and those high in office, 
were all more or less anxious on either side, and active in 
furthering the respective interests of the rival Houses. Of 


course, the Hanoverian cause, being that of a Protestant 
family, had the most adherents : hatred of France and 
dread of Popery had become permanent features of the 
EngHsh character; and with both those influences the 
"Chevaher" had to contend: but, in spite of their num- 
bers and their strength, the partisans of the House of Han- 
over were by no means without apprehension as to the 
future. So alarmed were they by the activity of the Pre- 
tender, and the strong sympathy that seemed to prevail 
for him throughout the Court, that continued efforts were 
made to induce either the Elector or the Electoral Prince 
to come over to England; and this step was considered 
almost essential to their interests. To give him an EngHsh 
aspect, the ministry of 1706 had caused the Electoral Prince 
to be chosen' a Knight of the Garter, and had created him 
Duke of Cambridge ; but the Queen was so averse to hav- 
ing any of the Electoral family appear in England, during 
her later lifetime, and made such strong protest against it, 
that neither the Elector nor his son made the desired ap- 
pearance in that country. 

The Pretender saw how necessary it was for his cause, 
however, that, before the Queen's decease, he should be 
able to show himself to the English people, and be on the 
spot, ready for prompt action when her reign closed. To 
further this, he made frequent and earnest appeals to 
Queen Anne, to be allowed to visit England, even in a 
private capacity ; and offered to go, attended only by a 
single page — in order to arrive at some settlement with 
her, as to the future. 

In May,- 171 1, he had thus written to his sister: "To 
you and to you alone, I wish to owe eventually the throne 
of my fathers. The voice of God and of nature are loud 
in your ears. The preservation of our family, the prevent- 
ing unnatural wars, the prosperity of our country, all com- 
bine to require you to rescue me from affliction and your- 
self from misery. Though restrained by your difficult situ- 
ation, I can form no doubt of your preferring a brother — the 
last male of an ancient line, to the remotest relation we have 
in the World. Neither you nor this nation have received 


any injury at my hand. Therefore, Madam, as you tender 
your own honor and happiness, as you love your family, 
as you revere the memory of your father, as you regard the 
welfare and safety of a great people, I conjure you to meet, 
in this friendly way of composing our difference. The 
happiness of bpth depends upon your resolution." 

There is no doubt that the warmest sympathizer that the 
Pretender had, in England, was Queen Anne. Besides 
entertaining a strong natural feeling of sisterly affection — 
she commiserated the exile and the wanderer — outcast for no 
fault of his own — she and her brother were the last of a 
great line of kings — she had no love for the House of Han- 
over, whose dull merits were continually dinned in her ears, 
and the efforts to bring some of the family over to Eng- 
land, before her decease, she considered an outrage on her 
as a woman, and an insult to her as a Sovereign. A motion 
made, after the Peace, by the Earl of Wharton, that a 
reward should be offered for apprehending the Pretender — 
dead or alive — excited her peculiar indignation, and strength- 
ened her aversion to the Hanoverians: — as also a request 
made by the Elector that her brother should be removed to 
Italy. " Every new application to the Queen," says Som- 
erville, who wrote not long after the Peace, " was a knell 
to her heart, confirming, by the voice of a nation, those fear- 
ful apprehensions, which arose from a sense of her in- 
creasing infirmities. The loss of all her children bore the 
aspect of an angry Providence adjusting punishment to the 
nature and quality of her offence. Wounded in spirit and 
prone to superstition, she naturally thought of the restitu- 
tion of the crown to her brother as the only atonement she 
could make to the memory of her injured father." If the 
Pretender could have persuaded himself to change his relig- 
ion, there is no doubt that Queen Anne would not only 
have given him all her sympathy but her active and open 
support. " All would be easy," she remarked to the Duke 
of Buckingham, " should he enter the pale of the Church 
of England. Advise him to change his religion, as that 
only can change the opinions of mankind in his favor." 

Besides the Queen, there were many others of the power- 


ful people about the Court, who, apparently, at least, fa- 
vored the young Prince ; — some with sincerity — some with 
a desire to appear to be on his side in case his star should 
be in the ascendant. The Bishop of Rochester, the Earl of 
Mar, Ormond, Harcourt, Godolphin and the Earl of Strafford 
were all his pronounced adherents. Marlborough, in 171 1, 
always looking out for himself, variously offered his 'ser- 
vices, as fortune favored, both to the Pretender and the 
Elector; and, even before that year, under indignation at 
the removal of his son-in-law, Sunderland, from office, had 
intrigued with the Court of St. Germain, and tendered his 
sword to the Stuart cause : and, it is supposed, that when, 
after his dismissal from office, he retired from England to 
the Continent, he had done so, under intimation from those 
in authority, that it would be wise for him to leave the king- 
dom because of his known proclivities for the Stuart dynasty. 
The views of Harley in the matter of the English succes- 
sion, were always a matter of doubt : both sides claimed 
him, as well as his fellow trimmer, St. John. Some time 
prior to the final closing of the treaty the Pretender had, 
according to its proposed terms, requiring his removal from 
France, taken refuge in the dominions of his friend and par- 
tisan, the Duke of Lorraine, at Bar-le-Duc ; where the Earl 
of Middleton acted as his Secretary of State. During the 
years 1 71 2 and 1713, the correspondence between the exiled 
Prince and his advisers in France and Lorraine, and the 
Jacobite party in England and Scotland, extended through 
representatives of all classes, in the latter countries. Great 
and particular efforts were made, by the Court at Lorraine, 
to cause Harley to take sides against the House of Hanover. 
There is no doubt that Harley, at one time, lent an atten- 
tive ear to the Jacobite emissaries, and gave them reason to 
suppose that, at the proper time, he might take sides with 
them. Among the Stuart papers extant are lettei-s between 
Jacobite partisans showing that Harley had, at least, indi- 
rect communication with the Pretender, and professed to 
favor him, representing to the adherents of the latter that 
the proper policy was that their chief should change his re- 
ligion, in order to secure success. At the same time, how- 


ever, Harley was evidently trimming towards the other 
side. One of the Jacobite emissaries, in England, thus 
wrote to I-orraine : " Harley is for dividing the employ- 
ments between High and Low Church, and for having the 
choosing of them himself : hoping, by that means, to be 
master, whoever gets the crown." In a letter from the 
Earl of Middleton to " Berry," an adherent of the Pre- 
tender, (March 9, 1713,) we find these words, in crypto- 
gram : " This old ParHament is tractable : Harley has an 
ascendant over it ; and he cannot be sure of having the 
same credit over its successor, nor that Queen Anne herself 
will be then in being, and in a condition to support him. 
England speaks favorably of the King, (the Pretender,) 
at present ; and the generality of the English are dissatis- 
fied with the Hanoverians' late behavior : but these gentle- 
men being changeable, their hearts may cool. All this con- 
sidered, I confess I cannot see any- prudent reason for 
Harley's dilatory proceedings : but he, being the chiefest 
lawyer, and his own interest being so much concerned, the 
King must be governed by him, and comply with what he 
cannot help, and, in the mean time, have patience, and hope 
the best." 

As an illustration of Harley's (Oxford's) secret resolves, 
it may be noted, that when the Whigs had invited the 
Elector of Hanover to come over with an army, when 
Queen Anne was in a low condition of health, Harley intro- 
duced a motion, apparently aimed at the Pretender, but 
evidently to check the movement of the Whigs, that " for 
the further security of the succession it should be made 
high treason to bring foreign troops into the kingdom." It 
has been supposed by many, that the key to the whole ac- 
tion of Harley, (Lord Oxford,) and Bolingbroke, in deserting 
the allies, and precipitating the peace, was their desire to 
change the Hanover succession, and bring in the Pretender 
through French influence. Evidence is not wanting to 
show that this design was one of long deliberation. Why, it 
has been argued, should the policy of ministers, during the 
years 1712 and 1713, have been so directly against the in- 
terest of the allies, in many regards, and so conciliatory tow- 


ards France, unless they had some secret and ulterior 
design, besides Peace — in which design France might be 
useful ^o them ? The separate negotiations with France 
were conducted in a surreptitious manner, quite apart from 
the other allies ; and false statements were continually 
made to the Dutch, as to the attitude and intentions of 
England, and as to the condition of the negotiations with 
France, as they progressed. All the transactions with the 
Dutch are charged as marked with duplicity and bad faith. 

In the minutes or records of the operations of M. Mena- 
ger in London, in the year 171 1, in arranging the prelimina- 
ries between Great Britain and France, an account is given 
of a secret transaction, which has an interesting bearing 
upon the clause in the Treaty, as to the " Protestant suc- 
cession." This transaction was conducted through the ever 
busy Lady Masham, and was to the effect that, although in 
any treaty to be made, a recognition of the Hanoverian 
succession would have to be one of the articles — in order to 
please the general English public — yet, that the Queen 
might have a secret understanding with Louis XIV.; so that, 
if circumstances warranted it, he was to act in behalf of the 
Stuart succession. 

Lady Masham is reported to have thus expressed herself 
to M. Menager, as related by the latter. " That the Queen 
was obliged, not only against her disposition, but even 
against her principles, to further and promote the continu- 
ance of the usurpation — not only, beyond her own life, but 
forever. That I (Menager) might be sure, under such circum- 
stances, that it would be an inexpressible satisfaction to her 
Majesty, to see herself delivered from the fatal necessity of 
doing so much wrong; and if it could be possible, with 
safety to the religion and liberties of her subjects, to have 
her brother restored to his right, at least after her decease, 
if it could not be done before. That the Queen did not 
see through all this : and it seemed next to impossible, the 
rage and unreconcilable aversion of the common people to 
her brother, being grown to such a height • and that the 
Queen found it would be impossible to enter upon any 
treaty of peace, or so much as let the people hear of put- 


ting an end to the war, without entering into the strongest 
engagements possible, for the confirming the succession in 
the House of Hanover — ' a thing that I am sure,' continued 
Mrs. Masham, ' is all otir aversions ; and we have no retreat 
except to his most Christian Majesty, in hopes of his order- 
ing things so at this treaty, that he may be at liberty to 
support and assist, in this work, whenever an opportunity 
should present itself.' That to this end the Plenipotentia- 
ries from hence, though there was no communicating any- 
thing to them by way of confidence, should be instructed 
not to insist upon anything more than necessity obliged, 
' and some reserves, sure,' says she, ' may be made to leave room 
for justice to take place for time to come' " 

Menager, upon his arrival at Utrecht, where, as has been 
seen, he acted as one of the Plenipotentiaries of France, 
found that the British diplomatists there had not received 
the " private instructions " which Lady Masham gave reason 
to expect would be sent to them — but he ascertained, after- 
wards, that the Ministers in England had had some secret 
negotiations with the Pretender's agents in that country, 
which were not at all satisfactory to the latter ; they com- 
plained to the King of France, that they could not bring 
the English Ministers to any point, who only said that " a 
person would be sent to Utrecht, charged with the matter." 

M. Menager afterwards acknowledged that he had been 
hoodwinked by promises from the Earl of Oxford ; but the 
Jacobites claimed that it was through their instrumentality 
that the clause as to the " succession " was allowed to be in- 
serted in the Treaty, and through their influence with the 
French king that the Peace was permitted to be concluded. 

There is another interesting episode in connection with 
the provision in the Treaty above referred to. 

The Duke of Hamilton, nominated minister to France, 
was killed in a duel by Lord Mohun as he was preparing to 
leave England, in November, 1712. As appears by various 
letters .and documents, the Duke was selected for the mis- 
sion with the special object that he was to procure the Irish 
troops in the French service to be conveyed clandestinely, 
with the Pretender, to Scotland. The scheme of Queen 


Anne and the ministry is stated to have been, that, there- 
upon, a treaty should be entered into with the Pretender, 
so soon as he was fairly established in Scotland, by which 
the Queen was to permit him to remain, during her life, in 
that country, with the character of presumptive heir to the 
Crown; and his friends in Parliament were so numerous 
that the Queen was sanguine that she could cause the act 
of settlement to be repealed. 

In the year of the Queen's decease, also, the Duke of Or- 
mond, who was Captain General of the Army, made stren- 
uous efforts to place those in command who were in the in- 
terest of the Pretender. Officers supposed to be well af- 
fected were courted and advanced in the service, and those 
who were firm for the Protestant succession were provoked 
to resign. Those who were doubtful were privately inter- 
viewed, and asked if they would come into the Queen's 
' measures, and " obey her Majesty in everything without ask- 
ing questions" and suspicious oiificers were directed to retire. 

The Duke of Argyle, the Earl of Stair, and others of high 
rank, were ordered to give up their military positions ; and 
vacancies were filled with Papists or Jacobites. In fact, the 
army was being rapidly purged of all except those who 
were inclined to the Stuart cause, which was openly advo- 
cated in conversation, and by pamphlets freely circulated. 

The pertinacious adherence by the Pretender, however, 
to the Roman faith caused the failure of all plans in his be- 
half. His persistency in this decision was creditable to his 
honor and to his principles. It was asserted by him, in 
response to all applications to change his religious faith, 
that any change that he might make, in that regard, would 
not be considered sincere — and he would moreover go upon 
the throne, if he professed the religious belief desired, with 
the consciousness of being a deceiver and a hypocrite. 


After the Peace. — Queen Anne. — Her Address to Parliament. — Action 
of that Body. — Quarrel between Oxford and Bolingbroke. — Death of 
the Queen. — Disgrace of Oxford and Bolingbroke. — Ormond, Straf- 
ford and Prior indicted for High Treason. — Atterbury's Punishment. 
— Marlborough's Return. — The Rancor of the Powers continued. — 
Attempts to violate the Treaty. — Philip's efforts to regain his Domin- 
ions. — Alberoni's Schemes. — The Triple Alliance. — The Quadruple 
Alliance. — War reneVved. — Repression of Philip. 

The Peace was very much, practically, the work of Queen 
Anne. Many of the actions of Oxford and Bolingbroke, in 
bringing it to a conclusion, were the results of her personal 
direction. She, frequently, attended the meetings of the 
Ministers ; and is related to have proposed, in council, the 
orders rendering Ormond's army inactive. Bolingbroke was 
going to object to them, as he subsequently stated ; but, 
after the Queen had delivered her views to the Council, 
"she made a sign with her fan at her mouth," which the 
Lords knew she never made, except when she "was deter- 
mined on a measure. -.Bolingbroke and the others there- 
upon acquiesced, although he, subsequently, sought to 
throw the blame upon Oxford. 

Queen Anne, no doubt, felt a deep personal interest in 
carrying to a successful termination the negotiations at 
Utrecht. Her efforts for it, during the last three years, had 
been unceasing ; and to bring it about she had promoted 
the great change of political parties and of ministers in 
Great Britain. 

The war of the " Succession " had been begun at the com- 
mencement of her reign ; and, as a woman and as a human- 
itarian, she had felt that it was time that the devastation 
and carnage throughout Europe should cease — and as a 
Sovereign, that the interests of the great States she gov- 
erned would have their interests materially promoted by 
Peace. To her persistent efforts much of the credit of ter- 



minating the past terrible period of bloodshed and misery 
is due. 

Towards the end of April, 1713, the Queen thus ad- 
dressed Parliament: "I have deferred opening the session, 
until now ; — being desirous to communicate to you, at your 
first meeting, the success of this important affair. It is, 
therefore, with pleasure, I tell you, the Treaty is signed ; and 
in a few days the ratifications will be exchanged. The nego- 
tiation has been drawn into so great a length, that all our 
allies have had sufficient opportunity to adjust their several 
interests. What I have done for securing the Protestant 
succession, and the perfect friendship there is between me 
and the house of Hanover, may convince such who wish 
well to both, and desire the quiet and safety of their coun- 
try, how vain all attempts are to divide us." 

The two houses thereupon, after some opposition in the 
Lords, passed a resolution of thanks and confidence in the 
Queen ; although the texts of the Treaties had not yet 
been put before them. Ratifications were exchanged on 
the 28th of April ; and on the 5th of May, the Peace was 
announced, by proclamation. 

On the texts of the Treaties being submitted to Parlia- 
ment, there was much dispute over the terms of the Treaty 
of Commerce with France; but, with some difficulty, 
through the exertions of ministers, a vote of thanks and ' 
congratulation to the Queen was carried : but this ^sanction 
was of no protection to them from the wrath of the Whigs, 
as subsequent events proved. Shortly, afterwards, a vote -^ 
was passed, praying the Queen to take measures to have 
the Pretender removed from Lorraine, where he had estab- 
lished his Court : to which request the Queen returned a 
curt and somewhat equivocal answer : her feelings towards 
her brother and the Stuart party grew stronger, daily, and 
her aversion to the House of Hanover more pronounced. 
The sentiments of her ministers, also, as has been seen, were 
somewhat in accord with her own ; and, had her reign been 
prolonged, the Stuart party might have gained such 
strength as to have made the accession of the House of 


Kanover in Great Britain, quite as difficult as was that of 
Philip v., in Spain. 

Not long after the conclusion of the Congress, at Utrecht, 
Marlborough and his Whig friends had some consolation 
for their numerous defeats and the indignities which had 
been heaped upon them, in the dissensions which arose be- 
tween their two great opponents, Oxford and Bolingbroke, 
— rivals in ambition and power. When at the height of 
their influence and rule, after Marlborough had been dis- 
graced, the Whigs utterly subdued, and the peace accom- 
plished, they became competitors for the royal favor, and 
contended for supreme political ascendency : their feelings 
towards each other became most bitter and vindictive — the 
stronger for their past accord and the knowledge of each 
other's secrets and character. Bolingbroke supposed he 
had been used as a "cat's paw," to do all the hard work, 
and to receive most of the blame connected with the 
Treaty. He also nurtured a feeling of jealousy against Ox- 
ford, in that the latter had been created an " Earl " — while 
he, Bolingbroke, — the genius — the scholar-^the statesman 
— was only made a Viscount. Bolingbroke, too, had been 
refused the honor oiJCa.^" Garter" \)y his coadjutor, when 
the latter had, at his disposal, several of the appendages 
of that much coveted but absurd " order. " 

There was also a question on the division of certain prof- 
its to be made out of the nefarious " Assiento " or slave com- 
pact, in which the Queen, the two Ministers and Lady 
Masham, in accordance with the political morals of the 
times, were to have a share. Oxford, for some reason, had 
refused to take his portion, which made the others suspicious 
of him. Lady Masham, formerly Oxford's great ally, had 
also a special grudge against him, for a matter arising out 
of the Quebec expedition, from which she had expected to 
make a large sum of money. Oxford had refused her what 
she had desired — but Bolingbroke, subsequently, acquired 
it for her ; and thus gained her good-will. 

The Queen was much inclined to favor Bolingbroke, who 
had managed, now, entirely to win to his side, the conji- 
dante, Masham. Bolingbroke, a,lso, had adroitly expressed 


his predilection for the Stuart restoration ; and, thereby, 
won much additional favor from Queen Anne, who daily, 
as she grew older and weaker, in spite of her speeches to 
Parliament, became more indisposed toward the House of 
Hanover, and yearned, with a family feeling, towards her 
exiled brother, who, by the terms of the Treaty, was to be 
exiled from French territory. 

Oxford's disgrace is supposed to have been also due to the 
machinations of the friends of the Pretender, whose views 
on the subject, in complaint of Oxford's lukewarmness, are 
said to have been communicated to the Queen : * his dila- 
tory and suspicious policy had irritated and disappointed 
them ; and they looked upon the bold, adventurous Boling- 
broke as the proper man to be the champion of their party 
at the English court. 

In fact, when Bolingbroke became virtually Prime Min- 
ister, he projected a Cabinet substantially of Jacobites: 
among them figured Atterbury, the intriguing Bishop of 
Rochester, Ormond, Harcourt, and ' the Earl of Strafford : 
the Earl of Mar, also, was to be Secretary of State for 
Scotland. Such a Cabinet showed plainly what was to be 
attempted. Measures were also taken to Control the army 
and to secure certain important ports and fortresses. 

By the fall of his opponent, who was dismissed from 
office, the triumph of Bolingbroke seemed complete : but 
fortune turned against him, and the Queen, worn out by the 
violent altercations carried on, even in her presence, by her 
two ministers, which she declared "would finish her," died 
on the 1st of August, 1714, three days after the dismissal 
of Oxford, — and both the two prominent actors in the con- 
clusion of the great treaty of Utrecht, on the peaceable ac- 
cession of the Hanover dynasty, fell into disgrace — and 
soon disappeared from the political scene. 

When feeling that her end was near, the Queen sent for 
the Bishop of London and made a sort of confession to 
him, particularly relating to her brother. As the Bishop 
took leave of her to go out of the room, he said, aloud, in 
the presence of the Duchess of Ormond and others there ; 
* See Appendix. 


"Madame, I will obey your commands — I'll declare your 
mind — but it will cost me my head ! " The Queen proposed 
to receive the Sacrament on the next day ; but died before 
it could be administered. 

As she lay on her death-bed, frequently crying out in her 
distress of mind and body, " Oh, my brother — what will 
become of you? — Oh — my poor brother!" staunch Jacob- 
ites were holding secret council in an adjoining room, and 
endeavoring to induce Ormond, the Captain General of the 
army, to take the bold step of proclaiming the Pretender. 
Ormond's resolution, however, failed him ; and the Elector 
of Hanover came over to his new kingdom, and took pos- 
session with no disturbance, except the occasional hootings 
of the mob at the German interloper and his brace of 
coarse mistresses. 

The Whigs, on their accession to power, bitterly resent- 
ing the treatment they had received, at the hands of the 
two fallen statesmen, immediately undertook their punish- 
ment. When George's first Parliament was assembled, in 
the spring of 1715, one of the first steps taken was to ap- 
point a special Committee, to inquire into the secret negoti- 
ations that had preceded the Peace of Utrecht, and the 
commercial Treaty with France. Robert Walpole was the 
first chairman. In about two months the committee pro- 
duced their report, which was a very searching and elabo- 
rate one, and highly denunciatory of the late Ministers. 
On its being presented to the House, Harley* and Prior 
were taken into custody. 

The report charges that many books, letters and reports, 
inculpating the late Ministers, had been destroyed by them. 
The principal facts found by the committee related to the 
secret intrigues carried on by the Ministers with France, 
apart from the allies ; the charge being, that the action of 
the former was a betrayal of the interests of their country 
and that of the allies — -all in the interest of France. The 
report further charges that the whole proceedings at 
Utrecht were made subordinate to the machinations of 
Oxford and BoHngbroke ; and that the refusal of the 
French Plenipotentiaries to give their answers in writing 
* Brother of Oxford. 


to the "demands" of the various allies at Utrecht, was 
concerted with the English Ministers ; and that the French 
were given to understand that business was not to be done 
at Utrecht, but by negotiations directly between London 
and Versailles ; and that the Dutch were forced to come 
into the Queen's measures without knowing what they 
were, and that the withdrawal of Ormond's forces was made 
in order to force them (the Dutch) to do so. The charge 
is also made that the orders to Ormond to withdraw his 
troops were directly in the interest of France, and led to 
the defeat of the aUies, at Denain. Bolingbroke's secret 
negotiations in person with De Torcy are also denounced, 
and his neglect to make any provision in favor of the Cat- 
alans, His operations also are all charged as having for 
their motive the bringing in of the Pretender. The two 
Ministers are also accused with having deceived the Queen, 
as to the true state of affairs, and with inserting false state- 
ments in her speeches to Parliament. 

Walpole, who had his own personal grudge against the 
fallen statesmen, and who was inclined to consider all men 
as rogues, on the presentation of the report, denounced 
the late Ministers, in a bitter and vehement speech, as cor- 
rupt and unprincipled traitors ; and only two members of 
the House stood up to oppose their impeachment. It was 
evident that there would be no favor with the new Ministry, 
or at Court, for those who should dare to take the side of 
the accused. Justice or truth, in those days, weighed 
lightly against self-interest ; which seems to have been the 
main political "principle." George I. had no liking for 
Oxford or Bolingbroke. As Elector, he was strongly op- 
posed to the Peace, on the terms on which it was made ; 
and, in 171 1, when the preliminary terms of Peace were 
beginning to be promulgated, had strongly written to Ox- 
ford deprecating any peace by which Spain and the Indies 
should be left to Philip. The old Electress, Sophia, had 
expressed herself in the same manner. In writing to the 
Earl of Strafford, she says, "If you had been willing to ac- 
cept Peace on those terms, a great deal of blood and a great 
deal of the money of England might have been saved." 


The feeling of the new King, therefore, was strong 
against the Ministers who had been engaged in negotiations 
for a peace which had caused the desertion of the German 
troops by their English allies, and the subsequent defeats 
of the former, owing to such desertion. 

George I., also, had been well informed of the schemes 
and double dealing of Oxford and Bolingbroke ; and, in 
spite of their many letters and despatches sent to him, 
during the last few years, overflowing with expressions of 
zeal for his service, he believed that they were disaffected 
towards his family, and would have prevented his accession 
to the Crown, if they had been able to do so. 

The Elector had not been very anxious to leave his 
dominions, to reign in Great Britain ; and the intrigues and 
the troubles connected with the succession, particularly 
during the year 17 14, became so great, that he began to 
be quite indifferent about the throne he saw it was so diffi- 
cult to mount. Still — now that he had secured it — he 
knew who had been his opponents and was quite willing to 
have them punished ; and, on his arrival in England had 
treated the fallen ministers with contumely ; and Boling- 
broke — although still, nominally, Secretary of State — was 
refused an audience. 

These and other signs were not lost upon that adroit 
statesman. Fully apprehending the coming storm, he was 
not disposed to wait for it to break on his head; and, 
escaping in disguise, took refuge in France ; where he was, 
of course, received with enthusiasm. On abruptly quitting 
England, he left behind the following letter, which was 
printed and extensively circulated. 

" Dover, Tjth March, 171 5. 
"My Lord: I left the town so abruptly that I had no 
time to take leave of you or any of my friends. You will 
excuse me when you know that I had certain and repeated 
informations, from some who are in the secret of affairs, 
that a resolution was taken by those who have the power 
to execute it, to pursue me to the scaffold. My blood was 
to be the cement of a new alliance : nor could my inno- 


cence be any security, after it had been once demanded, 
from abroad, and resolved on, at home, that it was neces- 
sary to cut me off. Had there 'been the least reason to 
hope for a fair and open trial, after having been already 
prejudged, unheard, by the two houses of Parliament, I 
should not have declined the strictest examination. 

" * * * It is a comfort that will remain with me, in all 
my misfortunes, that I served her Majesty dutifully and 
faithfully, in that especially which she had most at heart, 
relieving her people from a bloody and expensive war ; 
and that I have always been too much an Englishman to 
sacrifice the interests of my country to any foreign ally 
whatsoever: and 'tis for this crime only that I am now 
driven from thence. 

" You will hear from me more at large, in a short time. 

" Yours, etc., 


Writing some time afterwards, Bolingbroke thus gives 
vent to the reasons and feelings that prompted his de- 

"Among several bloody resolutions proposed and agi- 
tated, at this time, the resolution of impeaching me of 
high treason was taken : and I took that of leaving Eng- 
land, not in a panic terror, improved by the artifices of the 
Duke of Marlborough, whom I knew, even at that time, 
too well, to act by his advice or information, in any case ; 
but, on such grounds as the proceedings which followed 
sufficiently justified, and such as I have never repented 
building upon. Those who blamed it, in the first heat, 
were soon after obliged to change their language : for what 
other resolution could I take ? The method of prosecution 
designed against me would have put me out of a condition 
immediately to act for myself, or to serve those who were 
less exposed than me, but who were, however, in danger. 
On the other hand, how few there were on whose assistance 
I could depend, or to whom I would, even in those cir- 
cumstances, be obliged ! The ferment of the nation was 
wrought up to a considerable height ; but there was, at 


that time, no reason to ^expect that it could influence the 
proceedings of Parliament in favor of those who should be 
accused : left to its own movement it was more proper to 
quicken than to slacken the prosecution, and who was 
there to guide its motions? " 

Bolingbroke, having abandoned the realm, in March, 
1715, suffered the proceedings attainting him to treason to 
go by default. He was formally declared to be degraded 
from his nobility, to be attainted in blood, and condemned 
to suffer the penalty of death on the scaffold, should he 
again set foot in England. 

The exiled peer was now free to give his Jacobite pro- 
clivities full play, and made his obeisance at the miniature 
Court, at Lorraine, where he was warmly welcomed, as a 
valuable addition to the proscribed cause. He was now 
honored with the title oi " Earl" — long the object of his 
desires — and was made Secretary of State to his new sov- 
ereign — neither being much of a compensation for his 
exile, and for being razed from the roll of English Peers. 

Not being able to lend himself to all the small machina- 
tions and intrigues of the petty Court, at Commercy, and 
being accused of want of zeal in his new functions, Boling- 
broke was dismissed soon after the Pretender's return from 
his unfortunate expedition to Scotland ; and, singularly 
enough, was put under impeachment by that personage, 
for not properly attending to the duties of Secretary of 
State, in matters relating to the expedition : against all 
which Bolingbroke made explanations that showed that the 
failure of the enterprise could not properly be laid to his 
door. Being dismissed by the Pretender, Bolingbroke 
passed, for a time, at Paris a very gay existence ; his life 
in the French capital showing him less of a philosopher 
than his writings would have us believe. He subsequently 
was fortunate, his wife having died, in marrying a French 
woman of rank, means and high culture. 

In due time, another phase occurred in his checkered 
career. In July, 1716, he was pardoned by George I., so 
far as his personal safety was concerned, and returned to 
England in 1723. His pardon was mainly due to the influ- 


ence of one of the German adventuresses at the English 
Court, and prime favorite of the King — the Duchess of 
Kendal — formerly Madame Schulemberg, commonly called 
^^"Maypoler The intercession of this influential dame 
with Walpole, obtained for the consideration of eleven 
thousand pounds, accomplished the desired result. Subse- 
quently Bolingbroke's estates were restored to him ; and 
except with an occasional abortive effort to obtain political 
consequence, he finished his days in the pursuits of litera- 
ture, and in philosophic reflection? on the eventful Past. 
The vicissitudes of life became a favorite subject of his 

Amid the storm, Oxford remained calm and self-reliant, 
although accused of high treason, denounced as a traitor 
and sent to the Tower. His friends advised him to seek 
safety in flight from the vengeance of his political and per- 
sonal foes ; but, satisfied of the moral rectitude of his past 
conduct, and conscious of no treasonable action, as a Min- 
ister, he preferred to await, in England — broken in fortune 
and health — the issue of what fate had still in store for him. 

"They were quite mistaken," remarks Pope, "who 
thought to get rid of him, by advising him to make his 
escape from the Tower. He would have set out the storm, 
let the danger be what it would. He was a steady man, 
and had a great firmness of soul ; and would have died un- 
concernedly, or perhaps, like Sir Thomas More, with a jest 
in his mouth." None of the charges against Oxford could 
have been proved as matters of fact, and, even if they had, 
would not, properly, have subjected him to the charge of 
Treason. He had acted as a Tory Minister, representing 
the Tory party and its professed views and principles ; and 
had used his power, as head of that party, to carry out 
those views and principles — which were also those of his 
sovereign. A schism, in the Whig ranks, prevented Ox- 
ford's trial from coming to any conclusion ; and he was 
released from imprisonment, after two years' confinement, 
much to the chagrin of the extreme Whigs, and, particu- 
larly so, to Marlborough and his friends, who had been 
restored to honor and power. Oxford's after life was peace- 


fully passed (like that of his rival), in the pursuits of liter- 
ature — apart from the cares of state, and the risks and toils 
of a political life. Pope's fine lines on Oxford may here be 
recalled : 

" A soul supreme — in each hard instance tried, 
Above all pain, all passion, and all pride, 
The rage of power, the blast of public breath. 
The lust of lucre, and the dread of death." 

Another busy figurant on these historic scenes also, at 
this time, disappeared. Ormond, under apprehension of 
an impeachment for high treason, hurriedly left England. 
He tried to persuade Oxford to fly with him, but the latter 
stolidly refused. Their parting words are said to have 
been, "Farewell, Oxford, without a head!" — to which 
Oxford responded, " Farewell, Duke, without a Duchy ! " 
Ormond never returned to England, but took part in the 
rash expedition of the Pretender, in 171 5. 

The Earl of Strafford, one of the English Plenipotenti- 
aries at Utrecht, was also impeached, by the triumphant 
Whigs, for high crimes and misdemeanors. He was ac- 
cused of being the adviser of measures most dishonorable 
to England, and pernicious to her interests ; and, as being 
the "tool of a Frenchified Ministry!'^ The Bishop of 
Bristol, another of the Plenipotentiaries, was, apparently, 
not troubled : he, as well as Strafford, being probably finally 
considered as mere instruments, moved by the leading 
minds, who conducted the political game, outside of the 

Prior, also, a humbler but active performer in the peace 
proceedings, was thrown into prison, under charges of high 
treason, based principally upon his secret negotiations with 
France, in 171 2, and for having secretly harbored in his 
house, Menager and the Abb6 Gaultier, by whom the clan- 
destine peace negotiations were initiated. After remain- 
ing in prison for about two years, he was discharged, with- 
out trial. Bishop Atterbury, also, the constant Tory and 
the persistent Jacobite, felt the wrath of the Whigs. 
Atterbury was a man of great learning and independent 


spirit, and the boldest of the Jacobites in England. Al- 
though apparently devoted to spiritual matters and liter- 
ary pursuits, he had been a busy political plotter for many 
years past ; and kept up a direct correspondence with the 
Pretender. In spite of his sworn allegiance to the House 
of Hanover, he continued his plotting, after George was on 
the throne. In 1717, he had thus written to the Pretender: 
" My daily prayer is that you may have success : may I live 
to see that day, and live no longer than I do what is in my 
power to forward it." On the discovery of a new plot to 
bring in the Stuart Prince, a bill of Pains and Penalties was 
brought in against the Bishop, and he was deprived of his 
spiritual dignities and banished for life. He left England, 
in 1723, and lived in France for nine years: his body was 
brought to England in 1732, and interred in his vault in 
Westminster Abbey. 

With the new dynasty Marlborough reappeared in Eng- 
land. In spite of his proclivities for the Stuarts, and the offer 
of his services to the Jacobite House, Marlborough, after his 
humiliation in England, had managed to remain on very 
good terms with the Elector. 

During the war, he and the Elector had kept up an active 
correspondence, military and otherwise ; and the former 
was, generally, informed by Marlborough of army plans and 

Marlborough's letters were full of zeal and hope for the 
Hanoverian succession ; and the Elector's communications 
were friendly, and full of appreciation of the Duke's great 
services to the allies. Under date of August, 17 10, a letter 
was written by Marlborough to the Elector, expressing his 
strong attachment for the Electoral family, and charging 
Harley and his party with a design to bring back the Stu- 
arts. In a communication, also, written on April 11, 1713, 
Marlborough thanks the Elector for giving him two and a- 
half per cent, on the moneys received for the pay of the lat- 
ter's troops ; and also acknowledges, with profuse thanks, 
the reception of a commission to act as commander of the 
English troops, immediately on the Queen's decease. He 


also, in the letter, advises the Elector to go over to Eng- 
land, without delay. 

It therefore appears that Marlborough and the Elector 
were on very good 'terms, at about the date of the signing 
of the peace : and yet, the Elector was always suspicious 
of the great commander; he knew of the latter's double 
dealings and of his recent intercourse with the Stuarts ; and 
although desiring to keep on good terms With so powerful 
and useful a subject, and having a high regard for his 
genius and appreciation of his military exploits, did not 
venture to entrust him, on coming to the throne, with any 
high post connected with affairs of State. Marlborough 
was much chagrined not to find his name among the Lord 
Justices for the "quasi" Regency of the Kingdom, until 
King George should appear. He was, however, restored to 
his military commands, which, now, were attended with few 
active duties. 

It took a long time for the passions of the belligerents 
to cool, after the heat and bitterness of the long war ; the 
great Peace did not seem stable — and no one was satisfied. 
The rancor between the Emperor and Philip V., for a long 
time, was unappeased ; and there was no provision, in the 
Treaty with the Emperor, by which Philip's right to the 
Spanish throne was acknowledged. 

It seemed as if the Treaties made for the repose of 
Europe were only to be temporary compacts — merely to 
give breathing time for new attacks by States, thirsting for 
dominion and jealous of each other's power. No sooner, in 
fact, were they made, than many of the Sovereigns, that 
seemed heartily to concur in them, set to work to evade 
their provisions. 

Louis XIV. delayed, so long, the stipulated razing of 
Dunkirk, as to awaken the apprehension of Great Britain. 
When, at last, under remonstrance, he could no longer 
decently postpone the work of demolition, he avoided the 
spirit of the Treaty, by pushing on, rapidly, the work of a 
new canal at Moerdyk, which was of unusual width and had 
communication, from the sea, with the basin at Dunkirk : 
this new canal was to be protected by forts and bastions. 


Louis' letter, in answer to the remonstrances of the Brit- 
ish Ministry, with reference to Dunkirk and the alleged 
building of the harbor at Moerdyk, was to the effect that 
Dunkirk was, in fact, being entirely razed ; and that the 
new canal, at Moerdyk, was merely to receive the waters of 
other smaller canals, and to keep the country from being 
submerged, by securing proper outlets to the sea. This 
reply was not satisfactory to the British Ministry; and such 
strong remonstrances were sent to Paris, on the subject, 
■that the works at Moerdyk were eventually suspended. 

Louis, also, took no pains to put a stop, within his 
dominions, to the schemes of the Pretender whose Court 
was still plotting not only at Lorraine but in France. 
That personage continued to receive secret aid from the 
French King, whose constitutional animosity against Eng- 
land did not seem to be abated by the Peace. 

The Regent of France, who succeeded Louis XIV., was 
disposed to keep the peace with England : although evi- 
dently favoring the Pretender, and subsequently giving 
him substantial aid in spite of the terms of the Treaty. 
By the Regent's laxity, in the matter, the Pretender was 
able to make his preparations for the expedition of 1715; 
and had no difficulty in embarking from Dunkirk, in the 
autumn of that year, 


The Spanish King, no longer a beleaguered fugitive, 
flying about his Kingdom, particularly chafed under the 
terms of the Treaty. The varying fortunes of the wai? of 
the Succession had schooled him in making ventures and 
taking risks, and had developed in him, energy and com- 
bative qualities. He longed to be, again, a great figure in 
European politics, and aimed, as a conqueror, to imitate 
the career of his great predecessor, Charles V. Gibraltar, 
in the possession of the English and commanding the 
Mediterranean, was a continual irritation to the national 
pride, and Philip was eager to be again in the field, at the 


head of his faithful Spaniards, to attempt the reconquest of 
that fortress and of his former Italian possessions. The 
new Queen of Philip, Elizabeth of Parma, was particularly- 
active and diligent in her efforts to persuade him to recover 
the former possessions of Spain in Italy. Another great 
agitator now appeared upon the European political scene. 

Guilio Alberoni was the son of an Italian vine-dresser — 
brought up to the Church ; and was advanced through the 
favor of the Duke of Vendome, with whom he acted as 
Secretary in some of his campaigns, and who was pleased 
with his obsequiousness and coarse manners. Alberoni 
was assisted, also, by the Princess des Ursins — who ruled 
the court — but, subsequently, on the introduction of Eliza- 
beth of Parma as Queen of Spain, he ungratefully assisted 
the Queen in driving out the famous Camarera mayor of 
her predecessor. 

This man, subsequently created cardinal, became Prime 
Minister of Philip, in Spain, in 1714, and ruled the Court 
and the State, with a master hand. Ambitious and un- 
scrupulous, he desired to play the role of a Richelieu in 
European affairs, and adopted a violent and aggressive 
foreign policy. To carry out his views he kept the King 
secluded from all approach, and set to work to scatter to 
the winds the great Treaties of Utrecht, and to create bad 
blood between France and Spain and break up the friend- 
ship and alliance between the two countries connected as 
they were by the ties of blood and interest, which it was 
vainly hoped would have made their concord perfect, for 
many generations. Alberoni had three grand plans in 
view. The first was to create a revolution, in Great Brit- 
ain, in favor of the Pretender ; and, in that view, to give 
him material aid and support : the second was to recover 
for Spain her former Italian possessions ; and the third 
plan was to provoke a Revolution in France, by which 
the Regency might be taken from the Duke of Orleans ; 
and the Crown of France, in violation of the terms of the 
Treaty of Utrecht and the renunciations, be placed upon 
the head of Philip — his son, the Prince of Asturias, to re- 
main in Spain, as sovereign over that country. 


To carry out the first plan, Alberoni made a compact 
with the King of Sweden, by which that monarch was to 
make a descent in Scotland, with a large force, to operate 
with the Jacobites, in that country. To carry out his plan 
for the recovery of Spain's former possessions in Italy, 
Alberoni entered into a compact with the Sultan ; by which 
the Turks were to make a diversion, by attacking Hungary, 
while Spanish forces were to take possession of Sicily. 

To carry out the plan of revolutionizing France and 
driving out the Regent, a sudden illness of the young King, 
which seemed of a serious character, gave favorable oppor- 
tunity. Cellamare, the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, 
received instructions to begin a series of intrigues there, 
and to build up a party adverse to the Regency. Cella- 
mare had little trouble in gaining over to his views the 
Duke du Maine, who had been degraded, by the Regent, 
from his rank as Prince of the blood, which rank, although 
a bastard son of Louis XIV., he had enjoyed by a decree of 
Parliament. The Duchess du Maine was also deep in the 
conspiracy ; also the Cardinal de Polignac, and many other 
influential people, particularly those in the Magistracy, 
Church and Parliament, who were disgusted with the Re- 
gent, his policy, his morals and his wild financial schemes. 
Many adherents of the old Court were, also, prominent in 
the matter. 

The daring project was formed to seize the person of the 
Regent, by three hundred armed conspirators disguised as 
members of fiie body-guard, and to carry him into Spain. 
But there were too many persons concerned in the con- 
spiracy, for the preservation of the secrecy necessary for 
its success : it was soon brought to light, and Cellamare, 
although an Ambassador, was put under arrest, and, soon 
after, sent back to Spain. 

We find, at this time, existing the extraordinary combina- 
tion of France, Great Britain and Holland, rendered appre- 
hensive by the various designs of Alberoni and the Spanish 
Court, engaged by a Treaty of triple alliance, entered into, 
in January, 1717, in order to put a stop to the ambitious 
prDC£e.dings of Philip and his aggressive Minister. This 


Treaty was brought about, mainly, by the indefatigable 
exertions of the Abbd Dubois, the sagacious Minister of 
the Regent, who saw its necessity to prevent another gen- 
eral European war: and to firmly establish the Regent in 
his power and government. By the terms of this compact, 
in return for the assistance of France to check the opera- 
tions of the Pretender, and to oppose the operations of 
Alberoni, in that regard, the principles and terms of the 
Treaty of Utrecht were confirmed by Great Britain, and 
the succession in France as provided by that Treaty, as 
well as the Protestant succession in Great Britain, were to 
be maintained by force of arms : and the troops to be sup- 
plied by each Power, for those purposes, were apportioned. 
France was to cause the Pretender to leave Avignon where 
he then was, and to make his residence beyond the Alps — 
and he was thereafter to have no shelter in France or in 
Holland. By the terms of this Treaty, also, the Port of 
Moerdyk was to be destroyed ; and no harbor was to be 
dug within six miles of Dunkirk ; but the canal at Moer- 
dyk was to remain, for the purposes of commerce and nav- 

This treaty of the "Triple Alliance," although one of wise 
policy, was most unpopular in France. It was considered 
dishonorable that that country should be put under condi- 
tions, by Great Britain, to remove a foreign prince from 
French territory, and should stipulate, further, to drive 
him beyond the Alps ; and the condition to destroy the 
works at Moerdyk was deemed a weak and servile act of 
complaisance towards Great Britain. 

In the mean while Alberoni, having gained the support 
of Sweden, boldly invaded Sardinia and attacked Sicily : 
but the great Powers became aroused ; and, under the 
obligations of the above alliance, the Spanish fleet was 
completely defeated by that of the English, off Sicily ; 
and another fleet, sailing to give aid to the Pretender, 
in his operations against Great Britain, was wrecked in the 
Bay of Biscay. 

A further alliance was formed between the Great Powers 
at the end of July, 1818. 


Here we find, in less than six years after the Peace of 
Utrecht, the Emperor joined with France and Great Brit- 
ain to oppose Spain, the former great ally of France ; and 
the Regent of France arrayed in arms against his cousin. 
Holland also became a party to this compact, called in His- 
tory the " Quadruple Alliance." 

By the terms of this Quadruple Alliance, the Emperor 
was to renounce all right to the Spanish Territory over 
which Philip V. was then reigning ; and the King of Spain 
was to be forever deprived of his former Italian dominions, 
but might retain his right of succession to the Duchies of 
Parma and Tuscany. The compact also provided that no 
protection or refuge should be given to the Pretender in 
the territories of any of the contracting Powers, nor any 
succor given to him by arms, money or otherwise. The 
Treaty also provided that the Powers were bound to re- 
spect and preserve the respective dominions and subjects 
of each other; and confirmed, expressly, the Treaties of 
Utrecht as to the " succession " in France and Great Britain 

By Article VI. of this Treaty, the Emperor was to have 
Sicily in exchange for Sardinia, the Duke of Savoy giving 
his assent thereto, in Nov., 1718. 

Spain having refused its assent to the terms of the 
Quadruple Alliance, and persisting in the accomplishment 
of the above mentioned schemes of dominion, a formal 
manifesto of grievances was respectively issued by France 
and Great Britain against the former country. 

The French declaration charges Spain with having vio- 
lated the Treaties of Utrecht and of Baden, and with de- 
stroying all the hopes of peace ; and with having caused to 
be apprehended the return of a war as bloody and obsti- 
nate as that which, by those treaties, was terminated. It 
was alleged, that France had neglected nothing to stop the 
flame of discord that Spain was illuminating, and that, in 
concert with Great Britain, she had done all in her power 
to make an advantageous accord between the Emperor -and 
Spain. But, that, as it was evident that the Spanish Minister 
would not moderate his ambitious projects, and, in order 


that the repose of Europe should not be again troubled, 
the Court of Versailles felt itself obliged, by the terms of 
the Quadruple alliance, to declare war against the King of 
Spain; but, at the same time, "implored him not to refuse 
peace to a people who had brought him up in their bosom, 
and who had generously spent their blood and treasure to 
maintain him on his throne." 

Spain still holding out in its destructive schemes, a formal 
declaration of war was made against that country in Jan- 
uary, 1 7 19, and early in that year, a French army, under 
Marshal Berwick, marched over the frontiers of Spain, and 
took possession of several strong places and Provinces; 
while an English fleet captured Vigo in Galicia. Great 
Britain had also declared war against Spain, in Dec, 1718. 

In the manifesto of George I., declaring war, are these 
words : 

" And it appearing to us, further, from the conduct of the 
King of Spain, especially by the instigation and pernicious 
counsels, as we perceive, of his Chief Minister (by whose ad- 
vice the true interests of Spain seem entirely sacrificed) 
that the said king, under pretence of balancing the power 
of the Emperor, and securing the liberty of the princes of 
Italy, has raised great armies, equipped great numbers of 
ships of war, and made unusual preparations by land and 
sea, which tended to set afoot dangerous designs of break- 
ing through the Treaties of Utrecht and Baden, on which 
the peace of Europe was founded ; and of uniting, as occa- 
sion should offer, upon one head, the Crowns of France and 
Spain, the separation whereof has already cost so much 
blood and treasure ; and which ought in all times to come 
to be prevented, with the utmost attention, and fenced 
against, by all the means which God hath put into the 
hands of the neighboring Princes and States concerned in 
that fatal event." The King of Spain, seeing that the 
French troops did not come over to his side, as he had an- 
ticipated, and unable to contend against such odds as were 
opposed to him, was reluctantly compelled to give up his 
ambitious designs, and proposed a truce. In the mean while 
the Turks had made peace with Austria, Charles XII. had 


been killed, and the Pretender had been unfortunate in all 
his plans — and peace for Philip had become a necessity. 
Soon after, in Feb., 1720, he gave in his adhesion to the 
terms of the " Quadruple alliance ; " and, on the demand 
of France and the Emperor, was compelled to dismiss the 
restless Alberoni. 

Thereafter, in June, 1721, a Treaty, for the mutual guar- 
anty of their respective dominions to each other, as estab- 
lished by the Treaties of Utrecht and Baden, was entered 
into by France, Great Britain and Spain. 

On 30th April, 1725, the final peace was made between the 
Emperor and Spain. By this Treaty the Emperor Charles 
VI. at last, acknowledges Philip V. as lawful King of Spain 
and the Indies, and as the words of the Treaty read, " Will 
likewise let the said King of Spain, his descendants, heirs 
and successors, male and female, peaceably enjoy all those 
dominions of the Spanish monarchy in Europe, in the In- 
dies and elsewhere, the possession whereof was secured to 
him by the Treaties of Utrecht, and will never molest him 
in the said possession, directly or indirectly, nor assume to 
himself any right to the said kingdoms and provinces." 

The " Quadruple Alliance," however, was kept up; and 
when Philip, subsequently, in 1726, again sought to form 
alliances, in order to regain his lost dominions, and in 1727 
had actually made an attack on Gibraltar, he was again 
reduced to tranquillity by the action of the Allied Powers. 
St. Simon, in remarking on Philip's efforts to regain the 
French Crown, says, that he could never get out of his 
head the validity of the renunciation of his grandmother, 
in connection with the will of Charles II. He could not 
perceive how that Prince could have a right to dispose of 
what he could only hold for his own life. He looked upon 
himself as an usurper, therefore ; and, to quiet his scruples, 
always retained the hope of returning to France, and never 
would exclude himself entirely from the chance of ascend- 
ing the throne of his ancestors, if any fatal accident should 
befall his nephew. 


The Declining Health of Louis XIV. — Efforts to divert him. — Attacks 
on Jansenism, by Louis and the Jesuits. — Death of the Duke de 
Berry. — Last Malady of the King. — His affecting Interview with his 
Great-grandson. — His Speech to his Ministers. — His last Words. — 
His Character.^The Views of St. Simon and Voltaire on his Char- 
acter and Reign. — Effects of his Reign on France. 

This historical study would be incomplete vi^ithout some 
reference to the closing period of the life and reign of Louis 
XIV., a reign, perhaps, vs^ith the exception of that of 
Bonaparte, the most eventful of modern history. 

During the year 1715, the great ruler, who, for a period 
of upwards of fifty years, had, by his ambitious and rest- 
less spirit, kept Europe in a state of agitation and alarm, 
and whose influence had been that of ajnaster mind for 
good or evil, advanced in years and bowed down by mental 
afifliction and grave maladies, became, from day to day, 
more incompetent to wield the extensive powers entrusted 
to him. 

When the great King became failing in his bodily health 
and despondent in spirit, everything was done about the 
Court to divert his mind, and overcome the grief, lassitude 
and ennui which oppressed him. Concerts, theatrical ex- 
hibitions and other entertainments were arranged, in his 
private rooms, to give amusement to one who had ex- 
hausted life and its pleasures. Actors, dancers and singers, 
the charms of beauty and the luxuries of the banquet, how- 
ever, now gave no relief to his jaded mind, nor turned it 
from its sad contemplations. Madame de Maintenon, who 
had the task of entertaining him, exclaimed in despair: 
" What a punishment to have to amuse a man who is no 
longer to be r mused ! " 

The diversions of Courts, the dreams of ambition, the 
incense of flattery no longer beguiled him from reflections 
on the vanity of life, nor from an appreciation of its mourn- 



ful realities. He had been chastened in his pride, and 
humbled in his power. The Past had chronicled disap- 
pointments and humiliations, as well as triumphs, — and 
was reviewed with regret or self-condemnation. The 
Future opened visions of terror which no reflection on his 
own grandeur could shut out ; and Conscience — sternest of 
judges — began to unfold her pages, and to point to the 
records of a life of vice, and to defeds of selfishness and 

A prey to superstitious influences, and always prone to 
sectarian bigotry rather than tp sincere devotion, the King 
had taken refuge in a new war against freedom of thought, 
under the influence of De Maintenon and of his confessor, 
the Jesuit Le Tellier. Jansenism was now the object of 
attack; and the famous Bull, " Unigenitus," of September, 
1713, concocted by Le Tellier and his confreres, condemn- 
ing, as heretical, many theretofore orthodox doctrines of 
the Roman Church, was the result ; and divided the French 
Church into two bittejly contending parties. One hundred 
and one propositions upheld by Quesnel and other fol- 
lowers of Jansenius, Bishop of Ypres, were the subjects of 
this new crusade by the Pope, the King, and the Jesuits ; 
who formed alliance against anything that looked like 
Evangelicism in the Holy Church. 

Subsequently, the decease of another grandson, the Duke 
de Berry, added to" the many afflictions which desolated 
the spirit of the King, during these latter days ; and dulled 
the satisfaction he had experienced at overcoming all 
obstacles, and, at length, restoring peace to his afflicted 
country. The Duke de Berry died in May, 1714, after a 
few days' illness, of a mysterious disorder that bore a 
' strong similarity to that which had carried off his brother, 
the Duke of Burgundy, and the wife of the latter. The 
deceased Prince is recorded as being sensible, truthful and 
just— gay and frank in disposition, — :and, theretofore, in 
robust health. Poison was again suspected — but the mys- 
terious hand that gave the cup remained unknown. 

The King, himself, about the middle of August, 171 5, 
was attacked by his last malady, in an acute form. His 


legs swelled, and gangrene became apparent, which gradu- 
ally ate away his life, in great suffering. On seeing this, 
the fickle Court began to waver in its homage, and to ilutter 
towards the long despised Duke of Orleans — the supposed 
rising sun — who became, now, active in his machinations 
for the Regency. The temporary relief afforded by palli- 
atives, especially those prescribed by a quack, from Mar- 
seilles, who claimed, also, to cure, at times, brought back 
the sensitive Court, and the crowd about the future Regent 
sensibly diminished : but the malady was deep and mortal, 
and neither the subserviency of courtier nor the science 
of physician, nor the elixir of empiric, could stop the prog- 
ress of the fell disease, that preyed remorselessly upon the 
King. The oblivion and relief of sleep, even, was denied 
him, under the terrible pains that tortured the body and 
distracted the spirit. 

Some days before his decease, he called for the heir to 
the Crown of France, his little great-grandson, then about 
five years of age. As he reclined on his last bed, the dying 
King spoke to his future successor, in the presence of the 
assembled ministers and nobles, these pathetic and touch- 
ing words, — ^words which were ever in the memory of 
Louis XV. — but never acted on : 

" My child, you will soon be the King of a great king- 
dom, — that which I recommend most strongly to you, is 
to never forget your obligations towards God. Remember 
that you owe him all that you are. Try to preserve peace 
with your neighbors. I have been too fond of war — do not 
imitate me in that, nor in the great expenses I have wiade. 
Take advice in all things, — and try to ascertain the best 
course and follow it. Console your people as much as is in 
your power, and do that which I have been unable to ac- 
complish, myself. Never forget the obligations you owe to 
Madame de Ventadour. Madame " (addressing her), " let 
me embrace him." Then taking the little child in his arms, 
and embracing him, the King, deeply affected, said : 

" My dear child, I give you my benediction, with my 
whole heart." As the little Prince was about being taken 
off the bed, the King asked for and embraced him again ; 


and, raising hands and eyes to Heaven, blessed him once 

The eyes both of King and child were filled with tears, as 
were also those of all the courtiers and attendants present. 

What a pathetic and touching picture ! What a striking 
and beautiful subject for the pencil of painter, — or the 
verse of poet — for the reflection of the moralist and the 
philosopher — the once all-powerful monarch now sinking 
under the burthen of age and disease, — on the verge of the 
unseen world,^ — worn down by the weight of long years 
of care and the desolation that had struck his home, — con- 
scious, at length, of the helplessness of earthly honors, — 
taking, as a last sad delight, to his arms, the innocent child- 
king, in all his fresh and bubbling life, and pouring into his 
wondering ear, as if in confession, some of the errors and 
the sad experiences of a wearied existence. 

Turning then to the assembled Ministers and nobles, 
the King raising his voice, with earnestness, again spoke : — 

" I recommend to you this young King — he is not yet 
five years old— what want will he not have of your care 
and fidelity ? — Show him the same kindness you have for 
me. / recommend you all to avoid wars, — / have made too 
many, — they were the cause of m.y loading the people with 
burthens — and I seek pardon of God for it." 

Wearied by his thoughts and depressed by the disease 
that was surely making its dread progress, the once proud 
monarch — now abased before the King of Kings — ex- 
claimed, at times, as he pondered, with compunction, on 
his past career : — " My God ! life or death is all one to me 
now ! — I only ask you for my salvation. — I have no resti- 
tutions to make as a private man, but, as a Prince, who 
will pay the debts of the Kingdom? — My God! I hope in 
your mercy. — I suffer — but I do not suffer enough ; and 
that is what afflicts me ! " 

Lingering in anguish, from day to day, waiting for the 
event, he cried : " Oh, my God ! when will you bestow the 
grace on me of delivering me from this miserable life ? It 
is a long time since I have desired it, and I ask you for it, 
now, with my whole soul." 


What a commentary — such dreary words — on past pride 
and power! 

Louis' departure from life was characterized by decency, 
tranquillity and firmness, — and, it may be said, by repent- 
ance towards God and man — a repentance not infrequent, 
when age aftd disease have brought home their sad lessons 
of human helplessness. There was no more affectation of 
grandeur or superiority; but, there was ever the courtesy 
that had graced his life, and that caused him, even now, 
to ask pardon of those at his bedside, who were moved to 
tears, for the distress he was causing them. 

Wearied with these sad scenes, on the 30th of August, 
in the evening, Madame de Maintenon set off, for St. Cyr 
— never again to behold the man who had ever treated her 
with confidence and respect, and whose generous kindness 
had raised her from obscurity to grandeur in the State. 

At length, overcome by the great conqueror of all, and 
abandoned by her he had loved, on the first of September, 
Louis XIV. quitted the scenes of his pride and his power. 
He exclaimed as the sceptre, at last, fell from his relaxing 
hands — 

" Now is the hour of death, — Oh ! my God ! come to my 
aid — and hasten to succor me ! " 

Thus passed from the great political arena, in the 72d 
year of his age and the 57th of his reign, another royal 
shadow, to its last account ! 

The decease of Louis XIV. closed an eventful epoch of 
European history. An epoch characterized by extraordi- 
nary political disturbance among States and Dynasties, and 
by a series of prolonged contests that spread over Western 
Europe, and were conducted by leaders whose names are 
still foremost in the annals of war and statesmanship. The 
Peace, which terminated this series of international dis- 
turbances, is memorable as making great and important 
changes in the political map of Europe. The development 
of thought, too, during this period, was marked, and was 
manifested in the extraordinary progress made in science 
and art ; while master minds, in literature, both in France 


and England, contributed to make the epoch brilliant and 

The decease of Louis XIV. caused no great regret in 
France ; — all classes, even the nobility, seemed to find 
relief in the cessation of this terrible reign. He left behind 
him troubles in the church and a discontented Parliament : 
the Provinces were ruined, the kingdom was left over- 
whelmed'with debt"; the long wars had burthened the peo- 
ple with taxation, and the continuous sacrifice of life had 
brought sorrow to every home. The young nobility, long 
depressed by tlje dolorous features of a Court full of super- 
annuated contemporaries of the late King, longed for the 
life and gayety promised by a new rdgime ; and Frenchmen, 
at large, looked forward, with anxious hope, to some such 
change in the administration of government as would bring 
permanent benefit, and give the kingdom prosperity and 
repose, after the prolonged drain upon its resources and 
the strain upon its vital powers. The old employees of the 
Court were glad to get rid of the yoke they had been suf- 
fering, and those seeking places were eager for the opportu- 
nities afforded by a change of reign. 

It is related, that, on the decease of the King, the people 
gave themselves up to festivities and wild rejoicings, and 
vociferated imprecations on his memory ; and that the fu- 
neral cortige, which bore his remains from human sight, was 
obliged to pass through by-roads, to St. Denis, in order to 
avoid the menaces and disorder of the mob. " The people," 
says a contemporary, " thanked God, for their deliverance." 

It would be no easy task to portray, at length, the char- 
acter and attributes of this great King, — the chief motor in 
the events of his time, and the grandest of all the actors 
moving on the historic scene. Born to rule over a great 
Kingdom and a chivalrous and warlike people — with a 
power despotic, and a will left to its own biddings — receiv- 
ing an adulation and homage sufficient to destroy, in most 
men, all sense of responsibility and of moral obligation, 
there is little wonder, that great gifts of mind and heart 
were made subordinate to the brilliant circumstances of his 
surroundings and to the magnitude of his power. Ambition 


that knew no bounds — pride that acknowledged no superior, 
— and a love of dominion, that could brook no opposition, 
led him into courses of government that beggared and deso- 
lated his kingdom, and brought it to the verge of ruin. 
Thousands of his subjects became victims to his ambitious 
aims — and, to promote his grandeur and his pleasures, 
humanity was abased, and all principles of morality disre- 

And yet, with all his faults, there were great and noble 
qualities that well became a king. He was naturally good, 
humane and just ; with an elevation of character that 
placed truth and honor high, and scorned deceit. Magna- 
nimity that could readily pardon, sincerity that disdained 
petty artifice, courtesy that was never absent, and a courage 
that became heroic in adversity, were also among his prom- 
inent characteristics ; but his love of glory caused his reign 
to be disastrous to humanity, and his bigotry stultified his 
character, and made him, often, cruel and unrelenting. It 
was not until the close of his reign, when chastened by 
adversity — disappointed and bereaved — that what was really 
great and good in him shone out, with lustre, against the 
dark features of his earlier career. 

If Louis had followed, from his youth, the precepts given 
by him to his grandson, the King of Spain, no monarch 
would have equalled him in the favorable verdict of poster- 
ity. The remarks of the keen-witted and eloquent St. 
Simon may be fitly added here : " Thus we see," he remarks, 
"this, monarch, grand, rich, conquering — the arbiter of 
Europe — feared and admired as long as the ministers and 
captains existed who really deserved the name. When 
they were no more, the machine kept moving, sometime, 
by impulsion, and from their influence. But, soon after- 
ward, we saw, beneath the surface : faults and errors were 
multiplied, and decay came on, with giant strides ; without, 
however, opening the eyes of that despotic master, so anx- 
ious to do everything and direct everything, himself ; and 
who seemed to indemnify himself for disdain abroad, by 
increasing fear and trembling, at home. So much for the 
reign of this vain-glorious monarch ! " 


Voltaire's judgment is more eulogistic. "Although he 
has been reproached with small weaknesses, with severity in 
his treatment of Jansenism, with haughtiness in his treat- 
ment of foreigners, in the days of his success, with vitiated 
moral tastes, with too great severity in matters personal to 
himself, with wars lightly undertaken, with the devastation 
of the Palatinate, and the persecution of Prot'^stants, never- 
theless, his grand qualities and his actions, put in the 
balance, outweigh his faults. Time, which ripens the 
opinions of men, has put the seal on his reputation ; and, in 
spite of all that has been written against him, his name will 
never be pronounced without respect, and without associa- 
tion with that period forever memorable." 

The success and splendor of the earlier part of the reign 
of the great French King were much due to the ability 
of the men by whom he was surrounded. His choice of 
their successors showed weakness ; and was prompted by a 
vanity that deemed his own powers suflficient for all the 
emergencies of the State, and believed that his fortunes 
could never decline. 

Thence came disasters in the State, and in the field — 
civil disorder, — maladministration — official plunder, and op- 
pressive taxation. All the great reforms and successes 
with which his reign began were reversed, at its close. 

The thirst of Louis XIV. for dominion gave example and 
impulse for a system of attack and spoliation between the 
European States, that prevailed throughout the century — 
and caused the various leagues and alliances that were 
formed for international support and defence. Within his 
own territories the rule of Louis was almost despotic, and he 
loved to feel it so : to thwart his will or his desires might 
result in a life imprisonment ; and libels against him were 
often punished by the scaffold. No intrusive writ of " ha- 
beas corpus " was there, to penetrate into the dungeons of 
the Bastile — and every fortress held its prisoner of State who 
was innocent and even ignorant of offence. The whim of 
the monarch, the revenge of a courtier, the greediness of an 
heir, the caprice of a favorite trifled with the liberty and 
life of the subject and helped to make firm a despotism 


from which there was no appeal, and which made light of 
the rights of humanity and the authority of law. 

Under this reign, the Royal prerogative was so extended 
and exercised that all other authority was practically 
annulled ; and the exactions, the oppressions, the licen- 
tiousness, the wild excesses, the abuses tolerated and the 
rights outraged, under this and the following infamous 
reign, caused a reaction against the restraints of any gov- 
ernment, which fell upon the head of the succeeding Bour- 
bon — kindly and humane king that he was — and rested not, 
until the Bourbon dynasty — once loved — was swept from 
the land — never to return, except for a new dismissal. 

The rays of Liberty, that had beamed in America, pene- 
trating to France, and awakening her people to a knowledge 
of their political degradation, shone, in that country, lurid 
and terrible, through an atmosphere of crime and blood : 
they brought no bloom nor beneficent growth — but blasted 
and scorched. The people, eager for self-assertion, arose 
in the savagery of natures schooled amid the traditions 
of tyranny, fashioned amid vice, and irritated by the brutal 
oppression of irresponsible power. 

The decrees of the Jacobin clubs usurped the preroga- 
tives of the Crown — the Pike took the place of the Sceptre 
— law was administered by Assassins, — and the axe of the 
Guillotine fell not only on Feudalism — but on Liberty ! 

The license and fury of the many far transcended the ex- 
cesses of the despotism of the one — but were its legitimate 
and terrible results. 


The Doctrine of the Balance of Power as specially recognized in the 
Treaty of Utrecht.— The Provisions therein as to the Doctrine of 
Free Ships making Free Goods.— The Provision for the Demolition 
of the Harbor of Dunkirk made a Precedent during the Civil War 
in the United States. — The recent War of the Spanish " Succession." 

The Treaties at Utrecht established the doctrine of the 
balance of Power betvs^een States as a principle of inter- 
national law. In the text of the Treaty between Great 
Britain and Spain, one of its objects is stated, in terms, to 
be " for the establishment of a peace, for Christendom, by 
a just equilibrium of power." The written renunciations of 
the French princes to the Crown of Spain, recited in the 
Treaty, also expressly set forth this purpose. 

The principle of the adjustment and retention of the 
balance of power still prevails in the settlement of Euro- 
pean affairs, and is advanced in restriction of the action of 
the great States. There is, apparently, however, less ap- 
prehension than formerly of the results of undue aggran- 
dizement ; and there are consequently fewer alliances made 
for protection. Each State is more self-reliant and less 
disposed to be involved in issues foreign to it. Particularly 
is this the case since the people at large have become 
active factors in political affairs, and are not moved, as 
formerly, by the will of irresponsible rulers. An enlight- 
ened public opinion is now a strong conservator of the 
integrity of States, and a check upon executive powers. 


By the doctrines laid down in ancient maritime codes 
and enunciated in the works of International Jurists, it is 
made plain, that, up to the 17th century, an invariable rule 
prevailed, that the neutral flag did not cover or protect 
■enemies' goods, in time of war. This rule was generally 



recognized also among the nations of Europe, during the 
17th century, as a prevailing one of international law. The 
converse of the principle was also, to a certain extent, 
recognized, in theory, at least ; i.e., that neutral property 
was free, even if on an enemy's vessel. 

A treaty made between the Turkish Government and 
Henry IV. of France, in 1604, is one of the first modern 
examples of a compact establishing a contrary doctrine 
to the general one, that enemies' property was, under all 
circumstances, prize of war. Compacts of the same nature 
had been theretofore made by France with the Hanseatic 
towns ; and the new principle was, also, subsequently rec- 
ognized, by special provision, in several European treaties 
prior to those made at Utrecht, in 1713. In treaties made 
by Great Britain, respectively with Portugal, France, Spain 
and Holland, between the years 1642 and 1674, the new 
principle was recognized. 

By the terms of the great Commercial treaty made 
between Great Britain and France, at Utrecht, in 171 3, 
reviewed in a prior chapter, the freedom of the neutral flag 
is admitted, and a neutral ship is to free enemy's cargo 
with which it may be laden, with the exception of goods 
contraband of war. A similar compact was made between 
Holland and France, but limited to a period of twenty-five 
years, which was afterwards renewed in 1739, also for 
twenty-five years. 

These provisions were required to be inserted in the 
Treaties of Utrecht by England and Holland in conse- 
quence of prior ordinances of Louis XIV., which he had 
established when at the height of his power, and which 
operated injuriously and vexatiously upon the commerce 
of the above two maritime States. These ordinances, 
issued in 168 1, were to the effect that all the property 
found in enemies' ships should be confiscated ; and that the 
productions of the enemy's soil or industry should be con- 
fiscated whoever was the owner ; the neutral flag being of 
no protection. 

The principle was also established by the Treaties of 
Utrecht that all goods, contraband or otherwise, carried 


in an enemy's ship, were prize of war. The two rules, how- 
ever, that neutral bottoms make neutral goods and ene- 
mies' bottoms enemies' goods, are not only separable in 
their nature, but are generally separated, and they have 
been held by the courts of the United States to be distinct. 

The above principles were also asserted in the treaties 
made at Utrecht between England and Spain, in 1713 ; and 
between Holland, France and Spain in 171 3 and 17 14, with 
reference to the rights of the flag. 

The treaties of Utrecht, therefore, recognized the double 
principle that free ships make free goods, and enemy's 
ships enemy's goods. 

The ancient principle of the International law being 
changed by the compacts at Utrecht, and the new doctrine 
that free ships should make free goods being very generally 
adopted by the great nations of Europe, it became the 
basis of a new International Maritime systeirt, and was 
extensively recognized, in subsequent treaties. But the 
rule, since the Treaties at Utrecht, has been a fluctuating 
one, depending much on the interests or policy of the 
States recognizing or rejecting it. The old rule, however, 
i.e., that enemy's property may be taken in Neutral Vessels, 
seems to have been recognized still as the standard or 
normal one of the International Code, unless specially 
controlled or modified by Treaty ; and this rule is one 
to which the policy of Great Britain for a long period, and 
indeed up to July, 1856, with certain exceptions, has gener- 
ally given support and adherence. 

In spite of the' compact at Utrecht, also, in 1744, on 
declaring war against Great Britain, Louis XV. issued an 
ordinance directing confiscation of enemy's property, ex- 
cepting that under Danish and Dutch flags, as also the 
production of the soil or industry of the enemy, whether 
found on board neutral or allied vessels. The same policy 
was pursued under Louis XVI., who issued similar ordi- 
nances. The United States of America first appear in 
relation to this matter when, by Treaty made with France 
in February, 1778, the neutral flag is declared to protect 
enemy's property and persons from capture ; and all prop- 


erty on an enemy's vessel after a declaration of war, is 
lawful prize, i.e., the cargo is to follow the flag : but by the 
Treaty of 1794, made between Great Britain and the 
United States, there is no recognition of the principle 
of the freedom of the flag, but enemy's property might be 
taken if under the flag of either country. These and other 
provisions gave great offence to France, and .were the 
cause of her making extensive spoliations upon the com- 
mercial vessels of the United States, by way of retaliation ; 
and, under the Directory, France reversed her policy as 
to the freedom of the neutral flag. By virtue of the 
.Treaty of 1794, with Great Britain, the Treaty of 1778 with 
France was deemed abrogated, and was so declared. 

The principles of the Treaties of Utrecht were followed 
in the declaration by Russia and the other principal North- 
ern Powers, forming the first " Armed neutrality," issued 
in February, 1780; wliereby it is declared, with a view of 
protecting the " honor of the flag of said Powers, and pre- 
venting the molestation of their vessels by then belliger- 
ents," that property belonging to the subjects of the bel- 
ligerent Powers should, with the exception of that con- 
traband of war, be free from capture in neutral vessels ; 
and that all neutral vessels should freely navigate from 
port to port and on the coasts of belligerent nations, 
except in case of a well-established blockade. Catherine 
II. gave out that she was prepared to resist by force any 
violation of the principles declared. The King of Den- 
mark also declared the Baltic closed against any armed 
vessels of the belligerent powers. 

To these principles the United Provinces, Germany, 
France and Spain gave assent, and subsequently Portugal 
and the Two Sicilies ; the latter power having always re- 
mained faithful to the principles of the Treaty of Utrecht. 

Against the principles of this declaration by the North- 
ern Powers, Great Britain made a wily but not very strong 
protest, — she then being engaged in a desperate war with 
her American colonies — and answered, that she would be 
bound, only, by her respective treaties and general Inter- 
national rules. However, a Commercial Treaty was con- 


eluded at Versailles, between France and Great Britain in 
September, 1786, for only twelve years; which admitted 
the freedom of the neutral flag, according to the principles 
of the Treaties at Utrecht. 

In May, 1793, the Executive Government of France 
directed the seizure of Merchandise belonging to an enemy 
as good prize, and suppressed the freedom of the neutral 
flag. This was a policy specially directed at England, who 
retaliated by similar measures. Subsequent French de- 
crees, as the stress of the French people became greater, 
under their civil disturbances and foreign wars, went far- 
ther and confiscated neutral or allied vessels loaded with 
enemy's property : and prohibited the introduction of all 
English Merchandise ; and it was declared, in Januaiy, 
1798, that the hostile or neutral quality of a vessel should 
be determined by her cargo ; and that all vessels carrying 
property, the product of Great Britain or her colonies, 
should be condemned as prizes, irrespective of ownership. 

The second armed neutrality in December, 1800, by the 
Northern Powers, as also Prussia, established the same 
principles as in their declaration of 1780 ; but the naval 
power of Great Britain broke up the confederacy, in this 
regard, and compelled a renunciation of the principle that 
the flag covered the goods ; and Russia, subsequently, by 
her own action departed from the rule ; but afterwards, in 
1807, reaffirmed the principles of the armed neutrality. 

By the terms of the Treaty of Amiens, between Great 
Britain, France and Spain, of October, 1802, there is no 
provision renewing or referring to the provisions of the 
Treaty of Utrecht. This was done with a political design 
by England : and it was considered that the principle, as 
to the neutral flag protecting enemy's property from cap- 
tu'-e, was abandoned, and the old international rule revived 
— and, in fact, that the Treaty of Utrecht, as regards Great 
Britain, was to be deemed obsolete. 

In November, 1806, the Berlin decree in opposition to an 
English decree of the same character was published by 
Napoleon, declaring the British Islands in a state of block- 
ade ; and all British goods whatever were declared lawful 


prize, and all produce of England or her Colonies were to 
be confiscated. The British orders in Council of 1807, 
retaliated this policy, by prohibiting neutral vessels from 
trading with France or her allies, with certain exceptions, 
under penalty of condemnation, and declared all French 
ports in a state of blockade. In the Milan decree of 
December, 1807, Napoleon, again changing his policy, 
protested against the claim of England, which it termed 
" the infamous principle that the flag did not cover the 
goods ; " and, in opposition to the English order in Coun- 
cil, asserted a right to denationalize all vessels of any 
nation that submitted to examination from any British 
vessel, or which paid any tribute or tax to the British 
Government, or which had touched at an English Port ; 
and made such vessels subject of prize. 

The principles of the Treaty of Utrecht, with respect to 
the rights of the neutral flag, as part of the law of nations, 
were thus adopted and forcibly carried out, by Napoleon, 
in order to circumscribe the naval superiority of England, 
and to protect vessels trading with France ; and the Milan 
and Berlin decrees were declared to be extreme and excep- 
tional measures induced by the Orders in council, against 

In March, 1812, Napoleon proclaimed his new Maritime 
Code, in which it was declared, among other things, that 
the flag covered the cargo, and that goods of a neutral 
under an enemy's flag are prize. The declaration thus con- 
cludes : " France claims for all her people the above princi- 
ples, as having been consecrated by the Treaty of Utrecht, 
and as having become, through their adoption, in subse- 
quent treaties, the common law of nations." 

Thus the two principles relative to the Flag were defi- 
nitely declared as part of the Reformed Law of Nations, so 
far at least as France was concerned : and France has, 
almost uniformly, through her modern treaties, shown her 
preference for the doctrine of Free Ships making free 
goods ; and this principle was laid down in the Convention 
between the United States and France of September, 1800, 
and July, 1801. 


In England, however, unless there had been special mod- 
ification by treaty, the former international rule, that 
enemy's goods are everywhere prize, has been generally 
recognized ; and that country has long stood committed to 
the rule, and many jurists, there, still maintain its existence, 
as the normal international one. The Treaties made by 
England have been, often, in opposition, and often with 
reluctant assent to the principle of the freedom of the 
neutral flag: and, from 1786 to 1854, she made no Treaty 
limiting her belligerent rights. The doctrine of the freedom 
of the flag, it was supposed, would be of no special benefit 
to her and would deprive her of the advantages she would 
possess, as virtually Mistress of the Seas, with the power of 
destroying the commerce of her enemies. 

When the terms of the Treaty of 1794, between Great 
Britain and the United States, were under consideration, a 
report of a Committee of the Privy Council indicated the 
grounds of the policy at that time adopted by the former 
Country, with relation to the " flag." That Committee 
made report, that no "Article" should be put in the 
Treaty, allowing ships of the United States to protect the 
property of the enemies of Great Britain, in time of war. 
" It would be more dangerous," the report states, " to con- 
cede this privilege to the ships of the United States, than 
to those of any other foreign country. From their situa- 
tion the ships of these States would be able to cover the 
whole trade of France with her islands and colonies in 
America and the West Indies, whenever Great Britain 
should be engaged in a war with either of those Powers ; 
and the Navy of Great Britain would, in such a case, be 
deprived of the means of distressing the enemy, by destroy- 
ing his commerce." 

As late as February, 1854, the British foreign ofifice issued 
instructions that enemy's (Russian) property should be 
seized, even if laden on neutral vessels ; but subsequently, 
by a special compact with France, enemy's goods in a neu- 
tral vessel were to be exempt ; but, in making this conces- 
sion, Great Britain asserted that such rule was only a tem- 
porary one, and in exception of her origitial belligerent rights. 



An important declaration was made at Paris, by the 
Plenipotentiaries of France, Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, 
Sardinia, Turkey and Russia, assembled in Congress, after 
the Crimean war, in April, 1856. 

This assemblage rehearsing the uncertainty of the laws 
of maritime warfare and the advantages of securing an 
uniform doctrine, adopted the main principle of the Treaties 
of Utrecht, and laid down four great rules far in advance, 
in a humanitarian sense, of all that had preceded, and 
declared : — 

" \st. That privateering should be abolished. 
,, " 2d. That the neutral flag should cover enemy's merchan- 
dise, except that contraband of war. 

" 3^?. That neutral merchandise, even under an enemy s 
flag, should not be liable to capture, unless contraband of 

" i^th. That blockades, to be recognized, must be main- 
tained by a sufficient force." 

About forty other of the States of Europe and South 
America, including the two Sicilies, Holland, Sweden, 
Saxony, Belgium and Denmark, gave adhesion to these 
principles. Spain, Mexico and the United States refused 
their assent to the declaration, as an entirety. 

By a Protocol of the declarant powers, it was determined 
that the above four propositions should be maintained as 
indivisible ; and the Plenipotentiaries further agreed, that 
the Powers which should have signed the Declaration, or 
which should accede to it, could not, thereafter, enter into 
any arrangement in regard to the application of the right 
of neutrals, in time of war, which did not, at the same time, 
rest on the four principles, which are the object of the said 

The United States refused assent to the Declaration as 
an entirety, unless the clause against privateering should be 
extended, so that private property should be exempt from 
capture by even the public vessels of an enemy ; but signified 


their desire to adopt the 2d, 3d and 4th of the propositions, 
if the first were amended according to their desires. Spain 
and Mexico made similar assent to all the propositions ex- 
cept to that relating to privateering. 

The reasons alleged for such refusal, by the Government 
of the United States, were that the system of Privateering 
gave support and strength to the weaker maritime States, 
in time of war, and was of essential service to them— and, 
if abandoned, such States would be wholly at the mercy of 
the armed vessels of the great maritime Powers ; and that 
such objection would be removed if an amendment were 
appended to the declaration to the effect that the private 
property of all persons should be exempt from seizure by 
public armed vessels — there being no good reason why such 
property should not be exempt, as well at sea as on land. 
In concluding his communication to the great powers unit- 
ing in the Declaration, the Secretary of State of the United 
States (Marcy) remarks, " I am directed to communicate 
the approval of the President to the 2d, 3d and 4th propo- 
sitions, independently of the ist, should the amendment be 
unacceptable. The amendment is commended by so many 
powerful considerations, and the principle which calls for it 
has so long had the emphatic sanction of all enlightened na- 
tions in military operations on land, that the President is re- 
luctant to believe it will meet with any serious opposition." 

The proposed amendment however, was not acceded to ; 
and the United States consequently remained outside of 
the provisions of the Treaty or declaration of Paris ; but 
seem, at the time, and thereafter, in their diplomatic cor- 
respondence, to have recognized the propriety, at least, 
of the 2d, 3d and 4th propositions : and to claim them as 
established international rules. 

As to the 3d, it was conceded by Mr. Dallas, then Minis- 
ter of the United States to Great Britain, to be the admitted 
rule, both in Great Britain and the United States ; and the 
2d Article was also admitted to be correct in principle, and 
alleged to have been adopted by the United States in 
various treaties, and by an adhesion to the armed neu- 


Lord John Russel, in a despatch of May, 1861, to Lord 
Lyons, British Minister at Washington, states, with regard 
to the views of England in the matter, that although the 
policy of Great Britain has been theretofore opposed to 
the principle of the freedom of the flag, and that she had 
contended for the opposite rule, she had, in 1856, " upon 
full consideration, determined to depart from that rule, 
and that she means to adhere to the principle she then 

In the course of an interview between Lord Lyons, the 
British Minister at Washington (June, 1861), and the Secre- 
tary of State (Seward), the latter stated " that he was 
ready to agree to all and more than all that was desired : 
that the United States had held and always held that the 
flag covered the cargo, and that the property of a friend 
was not liable to seizure under an enemy's flag." Mr. 
Seward, in a further interview (June, 1861), complained that 
the Governments of Europe had taken no notice of the offer 
he made to them long ago to adhere, without reserve, to the 
Declaration of Paris. 

In the Spring of 1861, when the Civil war in America 
became an established fact, the British Government made 
application to both belligerents to declare whether they 
were to act upon the principles laid down in Articles 2d 
and 3d of the Declaration of Paris. In a despatch by Lord 
John Russel to Lord Cowley, at Paris, and to Lord Lyons, 
at Washington, the former declares " that the United 
States, as an entire Government, have not acceded to the 
Declaration of 1856 ; but, in practice, they have, in their 
conventions with other Powers, adopted Article II., al- 
though admitting, that without some such Convention, the 
rule was not one of universal application ; and that, as re- 
gards Article III., in recent Treaties concluded by the 
United States with South American Republics, the princi- 
ple adopted has been at variance with that laid down in 
the Declaration of Paris." 

Lord Lyons was therefore directed to obtain from each 
Government a formal recognition of both principles, which 
were thenceforth to form part of the law of nations. 


In accordance with the above appHcation by Great 
Britain, in August, 1861, the Confederate Congress at 
Richmond, by Resolution, declared that they accepted the 
2d, 3d and 4th propositions of the declaration, but refused 
assent to the 1st, abolishing privateering. These Resolutions 
were formally communicated to the English and French 
Governments and instructions were given to Privateers, 

Subsequently, with regard to the acceptance of the terms 
of the Declaration of Paris by the Federal Government of 
the United States, a series of comm-unications and inter- 
views occurred between the diplomatic representatives of 
the Governments of Great Britain, France and the United 
States, on the demand made by the former Powers, that 
the United States should positively declare whether they 
gave in their adhesion to the declaration of Paris or not. The 
draft of a Convention or agreement was subsequently 
formulated, to be entered into by the Plenipotentiaries of 
Great Britain and the United States, by which the assent 
of the latter was to be given in full, to all the propositions 
of the Declaration of 1856; and a similar convention was 
to be made with France. The matter had progressed 
favorably, and all parties had apparently agreed on the 
convention, when all proceedings were arrested, by reason 
of an exaction by Great Britain, that to the Convention 
should be appended a declaration in these words, " In aiHx- 
ing his signature to the Convention of this day, between 
her Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, and 
the United States of America, the Earl Russel declares, 
by order of her Majesty, that her Majesty does not intend 
thereby to undertake any engagement which shall have 
any bearing, direct or indirect, on the internal differences 
now prevailing in the United States." 

To this proposition the American Minister at London 
(Adams), took great umbrage, and stated, in a communica- 
tion to Lord Russel, that "if the parties to the Instrument 
are not to sign it, upon terms of perfect reciprocity, with 
all their duties and obligations under it perfectly equal^ 
and without equivocation or reservation, on any side, then 


it is plain that the proper season for such an engagement 
has not yet arrived. It were much wiser to put it off until 
nations can understand each other better." Mr. Adams 
was thereupon directed by his Government to break off 
negotiations, if the latter declaration was insisted on. 
Upon which, it seems, all further negotiations in the matter 
were interrupted, and they have never been renewed : and 
the United States still remains outside of the Declaration 
of Paris. 

A prominent recent case, illustrating the immunity 
claimed for neutral vessels, is that of the seizure of the 
four diplomatic agents of the so-called " Confederate States 
of America," then in rebellion, and the taking of those 
persons from the British Mail Steamer " Trent," at sea, 
in November, 1861, by the United States ship of war 
" San Jacinto." 

The plea of the United States, for the seizure, was that 
the above persons were armed with despatches and pro- 
ceeding, in an official capacity, on public service ; and were 
objects quasi belligerent, and as such contraband of war : 
and, therefore, proper subjects for search and arrest. 

It was urged, on the other hand, by the British Govern- 
ment, that the taking of the agents from the " Trent " was 
an affront to the British flag, and a violation of Interna- 
tional law : and redress was demanded. 

Lord Russel took the ground that a neutral vessel had a 
right to carry despatches from one of the Belligerent States 
to the Government of a neutral State ; and that such inter- 
course must be freely conducted ; that the protection must 
be extended to diplomatic agents carrying such despatches ; 
that such transport was no violation of the obligations of 
a neutral, and such persons or papers were not contraband 
of war, as claimed by the American Government. In his 
communication to the British Minister Secretary Seward 
sets forth, among other things, " that it had been settled,, 
by correspondence, that the United States recognized, as 
applicable to the question, those two articles of the declara- 
tion of the Congress of Paris of 1856, viz.: 'that the 
neutral flag should cover enemy's goods not contraband of 


war, and that neutral goods not contraband of war are not 
liable to capture under an enemy's flag.' " Under then 
existing circumstances, however, the State Department 
afterwards receded from its position, as regards the right 
to seize, as contraband, the Confederate Agents ; and they 
were returned to the British flag. 

In various treaties made by the United States with the 
South American and Barbary States, the provision that 
free ships should make free goods is stipulated. The 
same provision is contained in Treaties with France in 
1778 and 1800, before referred to; with Sweden, 1783, 
revived in 1827; with Prussia, 1785, 1799, and 1828; with 
Spain," 1795 and 1819; with Holland, 1783; and with 
Russia, in 1854; which last treaty contains also the pro- 
vision that neutral property, even under an enemy's flag, 
should be free. The same provisions were included in a 
Treaty with the Two Sicilies, in July, 1855, now obsolete; 
but revived by the Treaty with Italy, in 1871 ; which latter 
also contains the important provision that private property 
on the high seas shall be exempt from capture by the armed 
vessels of either power. The Treaty of Ghent of 18 14 made 
no provision for the renewal of the principles of the Treaty 
of 1794, with Great Britain. Between Great Britain and 
the United States there is now no provision on the subject, 
by any Treaty. 

When War was begun between France and Prussia, in 
1870, a Proclamation of Neutrality was issued,, in August of 
that year, by the President of the United States, in which, 
among other things, it was declared, that communication 
had been received from the French Government that, in 
the prosecution of the war, that Government would strictly 
adhere to the Declaration of 1B56; and that, '^Although the 
United States have not adhered to that Declaration, the ves- 
sels of His Majesty will not seize enemy's property on 
board a vessel of the United States, provided that property 
is not contraband of war." The Proclamation further 
recited, that Prussia had signified her intention that private 
property on the High Seas should be exempt from capture, 
without regard to reciprocity. Subsequently, however, in 


February, 1871, the Prussian Government revoked its dec- 
laration exempting property on the high seas from seizure. 
This was done by reason of the treatment of German mer- 
chant ships, by France. 

In a communication of June 12, 1877, of the United 
States' Secretary of State (Evarts), to the Russian Minister, 
as to the blockade by Turkey of ports in the Black Sea, the 
former asserts that, although it is true that the United 
States " did not sign and has not since acceded to the declara- 
tion of Paris of \%%6" they recognize the soundness of the 
rule, as to Blockades. 

From a review of what precedes it will be observed that, 
since the Treaties of Utrecht, the general policy of the 
European nations, with the exception of England, has been 
in favor of the principle that free ships shall make free 
goods ; and that England has, by uniting in the declaration 
of Paris of 1856, in reverse of her ancient policy, now stipu- 
lated with the other Powers, in support of that principle. 
And yet, in spite of almost universal accord to the con- 
trary, the principle of the old rule still seems extant, and, 
in a measure is still recognized as existing, unless changed 
by actual compact. It is well, in this connection, to remem- 
ber the closing words of the Declaration of Paris. " The 
present declaration is not and shall not be binding except 
between those powers who have acceded or shall accede 
to it." 

To the principles of the Declaration of Paris, the United 
States have doubtless expressed their sense, both diplomat- 
ically and otherwise — but they have not given their formal 
political adhesion to those principles, as a matter .of com- 
pact, or expressed their formal assent to them, as a matter 
of established International law : and it is claimed by some 
writers on jurisprudence in Great Britain, that the United 
States have no right to invoke the principles of the dec- 
laration of Paris against the former country ; and that, in 
case of war, it would rest in the opinion of Great Britain 
either to adhere to the old rules of maritime warfare, or to 
maintain the principles of the declaration of Paris, so far 
as the United States were concerned. It is to be remarked, 



also, that the abolition of the old rule by Great Britain, in 
the Declaration of Paris, has not by any means met with 
universal assent in that country ; but that there is a dispo- 
sition to advocate a return to the former doctrine. It is 
claimed, by many thinkers there, that the adoption of that 
Declaration, by Great Britain, in view of the great advan- 
tages arising from her dominant maritime power, would 
operate most injuriously for that country. Great discon- 
tent has been manifested in Parliament at the adoption of 
the Declaration, — leading statesmen and writers have de- 
nounced it, as impolitic — many petitions have been pre- 
sented against it — and it is urged, that it was not a com- 
pact binding on Great Britain, but a mere manifestation of 

It is considered, however, by its upholders, in Great 
Britain, as a compact or agreement with the other Powers, 
from which none can recede and which all are bound, by 
compact, to enforce. On the other hand, the Politico- 
economist, Stuart Mill, has warmly opposed it, and D'Israeli, 
in 1862, and subsequently in 1871, denounced it as most 
impolitic, and " as a dark page in the history of England." 
There is, evidently, in Great Britain a strong current of 
opinion in favor of the repudiation of the doctrines of the 
Declaration ; but the Government has not deemed it wise or 
proper thus far to recede from it ; although all sorts of 
subterfuges have been suggested, from time to time, to 
evade the force of its provisions. It is probable, however, 
that no extension of its privileges will be allowed by any 
intendment, nor beyond the strict limit of its terms. 

A recent English writer on the subject* claims, that an 
adherence to the first rule of the Declaration would par- 
alyze the Navy of Great Britain, and urges its abandon- 
ment ; claiming that neither France nor Spain had, in fact, 
accepted the doctrine. He urges that, in case of a war 
between Great Britain and France, the effect of an adher- 
ence to the " Declaration " would be, to prevent the cap- 
ture of all merchandise ; that is to say, French merchants 
would employ neutral vessels in their trade, as also would 
* The Fortnightly Review, February, 1885. 


the English ; and that any apprehension of war would 
bring the same results, as if a war were in progress ; and 
that all freight and shipping property would immediately 
depreciate. The writer strongly advocates a return to the 
old rule, that enemy's property should be captured when- 
ever found ; inasmuch as, under the new rule, both the 
English and French carrying trade would be practically 
destroyed, and there would be no need of a navy. 

The writer further claims, that the rule helps the mer- 
chant alone ; and that the merchant should take the risk of 
war, like others ; and that the English Navy could protect 
him ; and also, that, under the new rule, there would be no 
prizes or prize money, no inducement to sailors to man 
fleets, and, finally, that there would be no naval battles ; 
for the French navy would keep in its ports — having noth- 
ing to protect. In other words, it is claimed, that Eng- 
land's naval power would be useless, and that her merchant 
marine would rot in the docks. 

In view of the above doubts on the subject, it might be 
deemed desirable for those countries which have not yet 
become parties to the declaration of Paris, to give in their 
formal adhesion to it, if they desire to avail themselves of 
the doctrines declared ; otherwise they may be considered to 
remain without the Declaration, and within the provisions 
of the old rule, that enemies' property can be seized any- 
where, and their merchantmen may be subject to search, 
and detention, while the question of title is being deter- 
mined, and subject to the seizure of hostile cargo. The 
practical effect would be that the merchant marine of the 
neutral countries not assenting to the declaration, would 
not be employed by the merchants of belligerents, to trans- 
port merchandise of such belligerents, and the great advan- 
tages that would otherwise ensue to such neutral vessels, 
by such a carrying trade, would be reaped by other neutral 
powers that had acceded to the Declaration. 

It is obvious from what has been remarked above, as to 

the past and present feeling and attitude of Great Britain, 

at least, on the subject, that that country would deem it 

to her interest to hold that the United States were outside 



of the principles adopted by herself and other powers ; and 
she would probably claim that enemy's goods, in the 
bottoms of the merchant marine of the latter country, were 
fair prize of war. 

As regards the recognition of the later rule, as one of 
the International Code, it is to be remarked, that, although 
the principles of maritime law laid down by the Treaty of 
Utrecht, and adopted, from time to time in successive 
treaties, by the different nations of Europe, have never 
been recognized, by convention, as the acknowledged inter- 
national principles of all, but as the result of transitory 
operation, by treaty, and as such having no general appli- 
cation ; yet that, on the other hand, the accessions to the 
new principles have been so numerous, and the opinions of 
the great Powers so strongly expressed, that the later rule 
seems to be one of International recognition and adoption, 
and the former rule practically obsolete. 

There is, perhaps, however, enough left of the old rule 
to make an adhesion to it plausible if not justifiable, under 
modern advanced views ; and, under the pressure of war, 
it is not unlikely that, in spite of diplomatic expression and 
example, it would be resorted to, where there has been no 
convention on the subject — especially in cases where might 
would make right, and there is power to assert the rule. 


One of the Provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht was cited 
as a precedent, on a memorable and critical occasion, when 
France was apparently becoming disposed to give her in- 
fluence, if not her direct aid to the Southern Confedera- 
tion, during the period of the great rebellion in the 
United States. 

The Citation of the provision of the Treaty in question, 
so far as the statement in a recent book of Memoirs * may 
be accepted as a history of the affair, seems to have had a 
conclusive effect in determining the action of the French 

* Memoirs of Thurlow Weed. 


In November, 1861, the main channel of Charleston 
harbor had been obstructed by the forces of the United 
States, through the sinking of sixteen vessels laden with 
stone, with the motive of assisting in the blockade of that 

The governments both of Great Britain and France took 
umbrage at this act, as one of "barbarity, almost un- 
paralleled in the history of the world," as claimed by the 
British Press. The claim was seriously made that, although 
a regular and efficient blockade, by ships of war, was a 
lawful exercise of belligerent power, the free navigation 
of rivers, and the free entrance of ports, were rights of an 
international character, in which every government of Eu- 
rope was concerned ; and that the common interests of the 
World were prejudiced by any act taking away the avail- 
ability, or imperilling the safety of commercial harbors. 

To this view, being apparently but one of a series of 
pretences for interference against the Federal government, 
then in no little distress, the French government gave 
strong support, and was preparing to protest formally 
against the above and similar acts in contemplation, as 
indicating an unprecedented policy, and as tending to 
forever close and destroy harbors necessary for the com- 
merce of mankind. 

The Emperor of France, it was ascertained, was prepared 
to denounce the above action of the Federal government, 
in his annual then forthcoming speech to the French leg- 
islature, and to call for some action in the premises. A 
special agent of the Union government,* however, at that 
time in France, with the purpose of preventing such denun- 
ciation from the Throne and any adverse action, called the 
attention of the Duke de Morny, then at the head of 
Foreign affairs, to the ninth clause in the Treaty of 
Utrecht, which had been deliberately and solemnly entered 
into by both England and France, and by which it was 
provided that the French King should not only raze the 
fortifications of Dunkirk, but fill up the harbor and level the 
moles and sluices by which it was fed and cleansed : and this, 
* Thurlow Weed. 


it was remarked, was to be done not during the existence 
of a war, but in time of peace. 

This appeared so strong a precedent against the French 
and EngUsh expressed views in the matter, that the French 
minister retired from his position, and made no further 
remonstrance: and the Emperor made no allusion to the 
filling up of the harbor at Charleston, in his message ; and, 
in the end, decided not to interfere. The Emperor's mes- 
sage contained merely these words, in the above relation : 

"The Civil war which desolates the United States has 
greatly compromised our commercial interests. So long as 
the rights of neutrals are respected, however, we must 
confine ourselves' to expressing wishes for an early termina- 
tion of these dissensions." 


A trite saying is that " History repeats itself." An 
example of this truism is presented in the recent war, 
relative to the succession to the Spanish throne, that took 
place between the two great contending powers of the 
former war — France and" Germany (Austria excepted), and 
resulted in important changes in the map of Europe ; and, 
also, in the unification of Germany and in the reconstruc- 
tion of the German Empire. The conditions, in the recent 
instance, however, were somewhat reversed. Instead of a 
French Prince being introduced on the throne of Spain, at 
which Germany took umbrage, it was the case of a German 
Prince proposed for the Spanish throne ; to which France 
made objection, and provoked a war as terrible as that 
arising out of the Succession of 1700: but which, thanks 
to improvements in the destruction of human life, was 
finished, and decisively finished, in seven months instead 
of, as in the former case, in ten years. 

The events which served directly to bring about the new 
war of the Spanish succession, were as follows. The Rev- 
olution in Spain of September, 1868, by which Isabella II., 
representing the Bourbon dynasty, was driven from the 
throne of that country, left the succession open to the 


candidature of various princes ; and the proposition to 
place a German prince, the hereditary Prince Leopold of 
Hohenzollern, on the Spanish throne awaked the attention 
of France, then ruled by a monarch desirous of military 
renown, as to the supposed attempt for preponderance by 
Prussia, among the European States. 

The Prince of Hohenzollern, although descended from a 
common ancestor with the King of Prussia, was not of the 
Royal Protestant line, and was not even advocated by the 
Court of Prussia, as a candidate ; but had been freely 
offered the Crown of Spain, by the then dominant authori- 
ties of that country. 

The Duke de Grammont, the French Minister of foreign 
affairs, appeared, however, determined to bring about a war, 
under any and all circumstances : but the King of Prussia 
was not disposed to such a result, and wisely declined to 
make a casus belli of the question of the succession. The 
terrible consequences of the former contest for the throne 
of Spain had left souvenirs of wide-spread desolation, and 
the King, now advanced in years, was not ambitious for 
laurels that could only be acquired through a dynastic war 
which might again involve all Western Europe, and would 
be, under any circumstances, disastrous to humanity. 

But it was not, altogether, the susceptibility on the part 
of France to a supposed attempt of Prussia to extend its 
influence that motived the action of the former country, or 
rather of its Ministry and ruler. An important political rea- 
son was supposed to underlie this. The internal affairs of 
France were far from being in a settled condition. There 
was a wide-spread opposition to the Napoleonic dynasty — 
the various political parties were in agitation, — and the dis- 
organization of the social state was such, that not only was 
the government impotent to control internal political move- 
ments, but did not retain the confidence or respect of the 

It was therefore considered by those in power, that a 
foreign war appealing to the warlike instincts and patriot- 
ism of the community would be an outlet for the ebullition 
of public discontent. 


The Prince of Hohenzollern agreed, at first, to accept the 
proffered throne, on condition only, that a majority of the 
Cortes should determine in his favor. The plea was, how- 
ever, put forward by the French Ministry, that although 
Prussia, as the facts showed, had not advocated the pro- 
posed succession, " that there was no obligation on France," 
in the words of its Minister, "of suffering that a foreign 
power should, by placing one of its own Princes on the 
throne of Charles V., disturb, to our detriment, the existing 
balance of power in Europe, and endanger the interests 
and honor of France." "We have a confident hope," 
openly said the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the French 
Chamber of Deputies, " that such an occurrence will not 
take place, reckoning as we do on the prudence of the Ger- 
mans, and the amity of the Spanish people. Should this, 
however, turn out contrary to our expectations. Gentlemen, 
we shall, in reliance on your support and that of the 
Nation, know how to do our duty without hesitation or weak- 

These words, naturally, gave great offence at Berlin, and, 
amounting to a menace, caused the Germans to apprehend 
a possible war — but still they could not realize that it was 
imminent. Strongly opposed to such a conclusion of exist- 
ing difificulties, all occasion for hostilities seemed to be 
removed, when the Prussian government declared to the 
French Ministry, that " the question of the succession to 
the Spanish throne was one which concerned Spain and the 
candidate alone ; and with which Prussia and Germany had 
absolutely no concern." The King of Prussia declined, at 
the same time, with proper spirit, when requested by 
France so to do, to order the Prince of Hohenzollern to 
refuse to accept the Spanish throne, considering that under 
any circumstances, it was an uncalled for and insolent 
request. The young Prince, however, of his own accord, 
seeing the complications that had arisen, and not desiring 
to be a firebrand in European politics, as had been the 
Duke of Anjou before him, determined to abandon the 
candidature to the Spanish Crown, and so acquainted the 
Spanish authorities. The French Ministry, thereupon, with 


a pertinacity and arrogance that seemed fatuous, required 
that the King of Prussia should apologize, in an autograph 
letter, for the alleged slight that had been put upon France 
by the King, ' ' in having permitted the Prince to accept the 
candidature, without having first come to an understanding 
with Franc eT 

The French Ministry also required the King of Prussia 
to give a positive assurance that he would never give his 
consent to this candidature, should it be brought forward 
again ; and to express his satisfaction at the withdrawal of 
the Prince of Hohenzollern from all pretension to the 
Spanish Crown. 

To these arrogant propositions, the warlike and high- 
spirited King of Prussia, of course, refused his assent ; stat- 
ing that he could not possibly undertake to enter into any 
guarantee for the future. The French government, there- 
upon, (July ig, 1870), made a declaration in these words: 
" The Imperial government could not but see, in this dec- 
laration of the King, a reservation full of danger to France 
and to the balance of power in Europe. In consequence, 
the French government feels itself obliged to take immedi- 
ate steps, in defence of its injured honor and interests, and, 
being determined, to this end, to carry into eiffect all such 
measures as the situation may demand, considers itself, 
from this time, as in a state of War with Prussia." The 
German Confederation thereupon unhesitatingly accepted 
the alternative of war ; seeing, as the King of Prussia 
declared, in his speech to the Diet, "that the rulers of 
France have succeeded in exciting the natural but much 
too susceptible self-esteem of this great neighboring peo- 
ple, for their own personal interests, and to gratify their 
own passions." " Let us follow the example of our fath- 
ers," the King concludes, " in defending our freedom and 
our just rights, against the violence of foreign conquerors ; 
and God will be with us, as he was with them, in our strug- 
gle, which has no other object than to secure the peace of 
Europe, permanently." 

The Emperor of France, on his side, in his response to 
the Deputies of the Chamber, who called upon him at the 


Tuilleries, concluded his remarks with an expression of his 
confidence in the success of the French arms. " I know," 
he stated, " that France supports me ; and that God pro- 
tects France." The Heavens, in fact, however, .did not pro- 
tect France ; and the French people ceased, in a short time, 
to support the Emperor. Th6 Emperor of France, aping 
the career of his uncle, and having for his motive the humil- 
iation and downfall of Prussia and the German State, as in 
the past, intrigued for alliances with nearly every other 
Power in Europe ; fruitlessly claiming, as a plea for assist- 
ance from other States, that Prussia's ambition threatened, 
to disturb the balance of Power in Europe, and menaced 
the security of every State. England, Sweden, Italy, Den- 
mark, and Austria were approached for alliance with 
France, who now put forth the claim to be the champion 
of the liberties of Europe. But her blandishing diplomacy 
and her threats were of no effect : she met with humiliating 
rebuffs, even from Austria and the South German States, 
who were still smarting under defeats at the hands of 
Prussia ; and all Europe formally declared itself neutral — 
the great duel went on to the bitter end ; and France found 
out, too late, that she had indulged in delusions, not only 
as to her own military power, and the strength of her 
adversary, but as to her influence in Europe. The terrible 
features and startling results of the Franco-German war of 
1870 are among the memorable records of recent European 
history. King William was crowned Emperor of Germany, 
at Versailles, on the i8th of January, 1871, and the first 
German Congress under the new Empire assembled at 
Berlin, in March ensuing. 

To Spain, after it had gone through with the various 
experiences of insurrections, provisional governments, re- 
gencies, and a democratic federal Republic, the Bourbon 
line was finally restored in January, 1875, in the person of 
Alphonso XII., a son of Isabella II., who had been made 
Queen through an abolition of the Salic law by her father, 
Ferdinand VII., which law had been introduced into Spain by 
the Bourbons, and by virtue of which abolition, Don Carlos, 
a brother of Ferdinand, had been excluded from the throne. 


In connection with the recent preponderance obtained 
by Prussia in Germany, the views of Talleyrand, drawn up 
with other memoranda as instructions for his guidance at 
the Congress of Vienna, may be here referred to. That 
great Congress, which was composed of the most notable 
collection of Princes and diplomatists that was ever gath- 
ered together, had, for its arduous task, the reorganization 
of the political system of Europe, after the extraordinary 
disturbance of its former conditions, through the ambition 
and prowess of Bonaparte. 

The question of the aggrandizement of Prussia was one 
of the most important under discussion : and, by reason of 
the conduct of the King of Saxony, in being the most 
devoted as well as the most favored of the vassals of Bona- 
parte, during his European wars, it was proposed to trans- 
fer the Kingdom of Saxony to Prussia. 

Talleyrand strongly opposed the proposed deprivation 
of the Royal family of Saxony of its hereditary dominions ; 
although Russia, and, at first, England and Austria, strongly 
advocated the step. Talleyrand urged that the equilibrium 
of Germany would be destroyed, if Saxony were sacrificed 
to the ambitious views of Prussia. His views on the sub- 
ject were thus expressed, and seem almost prophetic : 

" In Italy it is Austria that must be prevented from pre- 
dominating ; in Germany, it is Prussia. The Constitution 
of the Prussian monarchy makes ambition a kind of neces- 
sity. Every pretext is good in its sight ; no scruple arrests 
it. Convenance is the law. The Allies have, it is said, 
pledged themselves to replace Prussia in the same condi- 
tion as she was before her fall — that; is to say, with ten 
millions of subjects. If she be left alone, she will soon 
have twenty millions ; and all Germany will be in subjection 
to her. It is, then, necessary to curb her ambition, in the 
first place, by restricting, as much as possible, her status of 
possession in Germany, and in the second place, by restrict- 
ing her influence, by federal organization." 

As a result of the deliberations certain cessions were made 
of Saxon' territory. 



Human passions, whether directed so as to carry out 
Divine intentions, or allowed to range unchecked, are 
traced in history, as prominently leading to the events 
that have shaped the fortunes of Races and of Nations. 
They who perceive a manifestation of Divine foresight in 
every movement of human life, must necessarily recognize 
such direction over the minds of those who have been in- 
strumental in producing such events'. 

Contemplating the great Panorama that Time unfolds, 
such thinkers perceive what others may not — the involved, 
although comprehensive and harmonious action of a supe- 
rior design, through human forces, to bring about the great 
results that History records. 

" God," says St. Augustine, " is the principle of all rule, 
of all beauty, of all order, of all measure, of all weight, of 
all number. He who has not left — I will not say the 
Heavens and the Earth, angels and men — but the very 
entrails of the smallest and vilest animal, the feather of the 
bird, the most minute flower of the field, the leaf of the 
tree, without a proper agreement of parts, and the harmony 
which results from this agreement — can it be possible that 
He has wished to leave the kingdoms of men and their 
dominions and their servitudes outside of the laws of His 
providence ? " 

And yet, if man, under the terms of his existence, is but 
an instrument of a higher force, all criticism of historic per- 
sonages is disarmed — all philosophic reflection on historic 
results is illusory : — the past can show no precedents — we 
can no longer prognosticate, from passions or motives, their 
probable consequences — the record of what humanity has 
thought, achieved or suffered is neither to its credit nor 
disparagement — and man can but deplore the condition 



which retains him as a blind actor on the Theatre of Time, 
with a reason purposeless, and a will over which he has no 

History, under such a view, instead of being an aid to 
philosophy, and teaching by example — pointing to the 
significance of the Present by contrast with the Past^is a 
mere dull record of fatalities. 

Be this as Lt may, and the question can never be de- 
termined, — the annals of the Past show that it is to the 
Passions, and generally to the fiercer Passions, acting 
directly or indirectly, impelled from on high, or working at 
their will, that are to be mainly attributed the momentous 
events of History. " History," says Lingard, "is nothing 
but a picture of the miseries inflicted on the multitude, by 
the passions of a few." 

The disturbance of political and governmental conditions 
in the times above reviewed, variously either produced, or 
were the immediate results of War — the outlet of human 
passion — which is called by Bentham " Mischief upon its 
largest scale." 

Some writers consider the attitude of hostility which man, 
in all ages, has maintained towards man, as an innate char- 
acteristic of the race. 

The philosopher Hobbes claims that the state of man 
without society, is a state of war — because there is the 
right of all to all — and one invades, and the other resists. 
As a consequence, it follows that the beginning of society 
is based on apprehension of attack from those who have the 
desire to seize or to hurt. 

When social systems have become compact, and individ- 
ual natures are under restraint, other causes for attack 
appear — such as the desire of control, or ambition, and the 
desire of renown proceeding from vanity ; and, as civiliza- 
tion progresses, the passion or feeling of pride involves 
causes of war appertaining to the succession of dynasties 
and the sensitiveness that champions national honor : there 
is also bigotry that sacrifices all to faith, and patriotism 
that bleeds for the native soil — the spirit of retaliation, 
and also the apprehension that would prevent such ag- 


grandizement of another's power as would giye a danger- 
ous strength. 

This law of destruction has been shaped by public senti- 
ment, into moral aspects. These are, indeed, in most 
respects, conventional. 

In one case, a killing is viewed as a wrong demanding a 
reparation by blood — in another, it is. justifiable and receives 
commendation. So some wars, in the eyes of civilization, 
are deemed commendable and righteous ; and many, even, 
as shown in sacred history, have been immediately directed 
by divine order — others are denounced as brutal, and 
stamped with guilt. When great crimes, however, are per- 
petrated by a Nation, the guilt is lost sight of, in the multi- 
tude of perpetrators ; and conscientiousness is so diffused 
that there is no self-reproach. Many jurists have main- 
tained the theory, that the same rules and , principles of 
natural and moral law, which properly prevail among indi- 
viduals, in their social relations, should prevail among 
nations, in their political capacities. While others treat 
International law as a distinct political science, and as one, 
which, in its nature and essence, is quite distinct from the 
laws governing individuals ; and, involving no moral obliga- 
tions, is dependent, not on principles that may be always 
applied but on conditions that vacillate and can never be 
regulated by precedent. " When a king makes a mistake," 
said Louis XIV., "he must repair the fault as soon as 
possible, and everything must be sacrificed — even goodness." 
He it was that wrote " ultima ratio regum " on his cannon. 

It is evident that the principles of morality and a regard 
for humanity, in general, had little force in the guidance of 
the councils of the two great States most concerned in the 
contest that preceded the Peace of Utrecht. 

With them. War was not an "ultima ratio" to secure a 
right, but a means to secure What Might could bring. 

The leading motive, in fact, the basis of the great war of 
the Spanish Succession, was the desire of France and Aus- 
tria, respectively, for preponderance ; — a preponderance not 
necessary for the welfare of either; and which, so far as the 
masses of the people of those countries were concerned. 


— always oppressed — was immaterial. The people of Spain, 
too, the debatable land, were fought over, as if they were 
chattels to be transferred to this or that potentate, regard- 
less of their wishes or welfare. 

The ambitious action of the two great States, in further- 
ance of their claims, drew all Western Europe into the 
struggle, and involved it in political complications, that 
nothing but a general exhaustion followed by a general 
pacification could remove. 

And what was the Political result ? In five years after 
France, with an expenditure of life and treasure that ex- 
hausted her, had placed her Bourbon monarch on the 
throne of Spain, she was compelled to invade that conntry 
with her troops, in order to repress him : and the Pacifica- 
tion of Utrecht, so far as it claimed to be a binding 
compact, was a political nullity. 

In looking back, with a general aspect, over the period 
reviewed in the foregoing chapters, the impress made by a 
few active and daring minds upon the lives and fortunes of 
their fellow-beings and upon the political condition of 
States, suggests itself for contemplation, 

Hardly more than a score of leading men and a few 
women were instrumental in moving about, like puppets, 
the masses of the people, the main sufferers in all the 
calamities of war and its consequences ; and who, impotent 
in political life, were martyrs to the personal aims of the 
few, who, by fortune or by policy, had acquired control. 

The political movements of the times were resolved in 
dark councils and concocted in secret cabinets, or were the 
results of pure despotic fantasy : and humanity bled and 
civilization was impeded, through the quarrels of courtiers, 
the intrigues of cabals, or the personal aims of those in 
power. These settled their differences, and achieved their 
aggrandizement through the sacrifice of those beneath 
them ; who, left neglected, ignorant and despised, were 
kept in social degradation and political subjection. Such a 
thing as independent public opinion, if it ever dared to 
manifest itself, was insolently repressed ; and murmuring 
and objections were silenced as treasonable. 


National interests, it is true; were with some nations, 
apparently, at first, a motive for action ; but, in time, these 
became subordinated to personal considerations ; and never 
would have been involved unless through the action of 
some aggressive potentate or ministry, moving in disregard 
of a natural or a national right. 

The part played by women in the history of the epoch 
that has been considered is remarkable. 

In England, in France, and in Spain, respectively, the 
power of three women was felt in the council and in the 
field ; and was instrumental in the furtherance of every im- 
portant event. Not influenced by the gentle virtues of the 
sex — nor guided by the gentler passions, but impelled by 
the more masculine attributes of ambition and greed, these 
women, in their respective spheres, played parts in the 
events of those times that have made them memorable. 
The influence obtained by Madame de Maintenon over her 
capricious and despotic admirer is one of the remarkable 
facts in the chronicles of France. She was not only ap- 
pealed to for advice, but her advice was always followed : 
she placed and displaced ministers and generals ; and while, 
with great sagacity, appearing, humbly, to advise the mon- 
arch, she, in fact, ruled the State. 

In England, supplanting the Duchess of Marlborough, 
whose influence had long been powerful in the government, 
Mrs. Masham, in her turn, wheedling the weak-minded 
Queen, became the pivot on which turned, at times, affairs 
of the State and sometimes of Europe. She outwitted and 
ejected the Marlboroughs who were persistent for the war, 
and promoted the employment of Harley and the Tories 
who advocated peace. In due time she had Harley re- 
moved ; and, acting with the Jacobites and working still on 
the mind of the Queen, nearly diverted the established 
order of succession to the crown, in favor of the Pretender. 
In Spain, a transplanted French woman exercised a su- 
preme power, during the entire period of the war of the 
Succession. Anne Marie de la Tremoille, widow by a sec- 
ond marriage of a Prince d'Orsini, become Camarera mayor 
of the Queen of Spain, in 1701, exercised such influence 


over that Princess and consequently over the King, that 
she governed both of them, and was, practically, the sov- 
ereign of that kingdom : and, seeking to make Spain inde- 
pendent of the control of France, persuaded Philip to 
throw off the guardianship of Louis XIV., in which he 
almost, succeeded. Nothing was done without her inter- 
ference, and Ministers, Ambassadors and Generals were dis-, 
missed at her pleasure.* 

At the present day, the higher development of the indi- 
vidual condition of man and a broader assertion and recog- 
nition of his rights, have, by progress slow but substantial, 
somewhat restricted the arbitrary action of rulers, in pro- 
moting war. 

The progress of philanthropic ideas has also, to a great 
extent, modified the features of war ; and new principles 
mitigating its severity, have, among civilized nations, been 
gradually adopted. Formerly, and even in times not re- 
mote, massacre or slavery followed subjection or defeat in 
warfare — towns were recklessly bombarded — private prop- 
erty was confiscated, and non-combatants were ruthlessly 
slaughtered. Through modern civilization, the conflicts of 
States are conducted by their established armies, and the 
individual rights of non-belligerents are, theoretically, at 
least, respected. 

There is now, too, a general feeling against the system 
of private war, or " privateering," at sea, as well as on land 
— as being harsh in practice and barren in results. 

* At the conclusion of the war, the Princess Orsini or des Ursins (as 
she is generally called), made claim to have accorded to her a principality 
in the Netherlands, as a reward for her services in Spain. Such a con- 
cession was actually made to her, in the Treaty of 171 3, at Utrecht ; but, 
in the subsequent treaty with the Emperor, her claim was rejected ; and 
the Emperor refused to allow any of his States in the Netherlands to be 
taken for that purpose. The Princess, subsequently, fell in her own 
toils. On the decease of the Queen of Spain, in 17 14, she sought to 
secure another wife for the King, who would be subservient to her will, 
and procured, as queen, Elizabeth Farnesse, a daughter of the Duke of 
Parma, who, however, immediately on her arrival, with the assistance of 
Alberoni, summarily kidnapped the intriguing Princess, and transported 
her out of Spain. 


The softening influences of Christianity, as promulgated 
through its moral teaching, and the partial elimination of 
sectarian bitterness from theological controversy are sup- 
posed to have had influence to lessen both the evils of and 
the occasions for international strife. The fiats and Bulls 
of the Papal See no longer are causes for political disturb- 
ance, and no longer inflame peaceful States. The antag- 
onism between Protestant and Roman Catholic States, as 
such, has long since disappeared ; and principles of tol- 
eration and sentiments springing from human sympathy 
have shaped and illumined the Modern International Code. 

Commerce, too, with its improved appliances, by 
strengthening and multiplying the personal interests which 
are in natural opposition to war, is supposed materially to 
have reduced the disposition to engage in it. Under the 
above humanizing influences, - Congresses, Conferences, 
Mediations and other pacific agencies are now more often 
appealed to, to settle international differences, and to avoid 
the stern and irrational arbitrament of arms. 

In spite, however, of the extension of Christianity, of the 
progress and distribution of knowledge and of the friendly 
influences of Commerce, with the increased facilities it 
affords for communication, negotiation and explanation. 
War, even in this highly civilized era, is entered into on 
grounds even less substantial than in the past two centu- 
ries, and is of no less frequent occurrence. Advancing Civ- 
ilization has its moral, its humane and its intellectual tri- 
umphs ; but, sadly enough, with its developed facilities for 
spreading destruction, and its multiplication of the means 
and appliances of slaughter, has, not only, done little 
towards checking the stoicism that disregards the sacred- 
ness of life, and that accepts war as the main solution for 
international differences, but has, in fact, extended the area 
of human suffering. 

Nations now contend on apprehensions more remote and 
on policy more delicate than ever before ; the people with a 
wider comprehension and acknowledgment of their nat- 
ural rights are still the ready instruments to carry out the 
barbarous conclusions of a war policy: — the finger in the 


Cabinet still, remorselessly, moves the unthinking masses 
to their doom — and the hapless soldier's sigh still " runs, in 
blood, down palace walls." 

A desire to divert attention from the follies or oppres- 
sion of the local government, the attempted occupation of 
some remote barbarian region, the offended dignity or the 
rash action of an official, an imagined threatening attitude 
or increased armament, a supposed insult to the " flag," 
•or some other small ground of irritation to National pride, 
or to the fetich worshipped by Civilization as " National 
honor," may be the spark to inflame wise nations into con- 
flict, and spread devastation among people who undergo 
the infliction as willingly, and blindly as they did in the 
time of Louis XIV. — and, indeed, often clamor, like wolves, 
for the feast of blood. 

Large standing armies, unknown of yore, ready and 
eager for the march, keep hosts of men from the pursuits 
of industry — the advocates for international peace and con- 
cord are ridiculed as dreamers, the schooling and prepara- 
tion for war absorbs the greatest part of the attention of 
modern governments, and, as is remarked by Froude, " the 
arts which have made the greatest progress are the arts of 
destruction." Machiavelli's instructions to his Prince seem 
still applicable. " A prince," wrote he, " is to have no 
•other design, nor thought, nor study but war, and the arts 
and discipline of it." 

Is Civilization, in truth, only a cloak to conceal the con- 
tinuous barbarism of man, and does History tend, not only 
to verify the theory of the Philosopher of Malmsbury that 
War is the natural state of human beings, but to show 
that it is a necessary process of human society? 

The history of Europe, at least, in the latter as well as 
in the former part of this nineteenth century shows that' 
the desire for conquest, the thirst for dominion among 
nations, and the readiness to destroy life for those pur- 
poses have not abated : and that, to these and other pas- 
sions, the principles of humanity so highly vaunted, are 
still subordinate. 

And yet, how ca,refully, on the other hand, and under 


other circumstances is this human life nursed and watched, 
and guarded, and treasured, in and by itself, and by others \ 
What apprehensions for its safety — what grief when it 
trembles in the socket ! — what despair and desolation when 
it -goes out — even naturally, under the general doom ! 

There are schools and colleges set apart to instruct those 
who will be specially skilled to preserve it. There are 
learned physicists to devise theories and practices therefor. 

There is an army of them, from Hippocrates and Galenus 
down. They study and ponder and reason together how 
to keep off the grim reaper — how to comfort, to heal, to 
soothe, to assuage. Chemistry, Botany, Microscopy, As- 
trology — the true and the false sciences — and the hand- 
maid arts are called in. The bowels of the earth, the dim 
recesses of the sea, the secret haunts of nature will be ran- 
sacked for remedies, for palliatives, for detergents, for pan- 

Ingenious men will invent, and skilful men will make 
instruments of divers shape and device, to assist in the 

There is a ceaseless fight with the remorseless forces of 
nature; with the insidious germ-cell, with the poisonous 
miasma, with the thunder-cloud, the whirlwind, the earth- 
quake ; with the powers of fire and air and water. There 
is war with the lower creation — a war to destroy them that 
may be hurtful ; a war to seize those that may nourish. 

Men and women will dig, and plough, and reap, and spin 
to sustain, to foster, pamper, and preserve this mysterious 
thing — so precious, so cherished, so fragile, and so fleeting! 
There will be also invocation, precation, and deprecation 
made to gods, and idols, and saints, and demons^each for 
its time ; to ^sculapius and to Hygeia ; to the sole God 
and to the multiform divinity ; to Indra, to Isis, and to 
Elohim; to Vichnu, the preserver, and to Siva, the de- 
stroyer. There will be prayei-s offered, sacrifices made, 
wheels turned, and beads told, to spirits of good and spirits 
of evil— to Ormuzd, and to Ahriman — to the left eye-tooth 
of Buddha — to the blood of St. Januarius — to Diana of 
Ephesus — to our Lady of Lourdes, or Loretto — and even 


to Abadonna, the devil ; — all this, to ward off the blow and 
preserve the spark. 

And yet, per contra, — and yet there are untold thousands 
studying art and science for the quenching of this same 
vital spark ; how most quickly, effectually, and extensively, 
to make the great severance. Every new appliance for the 
defence of life is met by a new instrument for its destruc- 
tion. The herdsman will leave his flock, the husbandman 
the field, the artisan his useful toil, to learn the art of slay- 
ing his fellows, with whom he hath no quarrel. Good and 
wise men will lead and teach them how best to slaughter, — 
men that are gentle of spirit, and, otherwise, mayhap, 
philanthropical. Books • will be written, pious men will 
pray, geniuses will think and study and plot how best to do 
it. Opposing hosts of aggregate humanity will be massed, 
and reap each other down like grain. The grim Moloch 
of War is ever insatiate. And so the devilish game, from 
age to age, goes on. 

It is a curious commentary on this advanced age that he 
who has the highest honor, the most conspicuous and ele- 
vated position, in any land, be it barbarian or civilized, is 
he who has been the most successful slayer of his fellow- 

The great General far outranks the great humanitarian. 
The phosphorescent emanations from slaughtered humanity 
arise and make a halo about his head, — he glitters as a 
"hero " through the pages of history; he is asked to take 
the reins of State. He has honor, glory, power. 

There are still among nations a wild national fanaticism 
. and a social cynicism that blind them to the principles of 
justice and humanity : and good is called evil, and evil 
good, under the terrible instincts that make them rush into 
conflict with little regard to where lie the weights in the 
scale of justice. 

Ambition, greed, jealousy, false pride, will often put on 
masks, and call themselves by the names of " national 
honor," or "national interest" or "patriotism," and clamor 
loudly under those names. 

Swift, the satirical observer, painted this business, in his 


time, and the satire is still applicable. " Sometime the 
quarrel between two princes is to decide which of them 
shall dispossess a third of his dominions, where neither of 
them pretend to any right ; sometimes, one prince quarrels 
with another, for fear the other should quarrel with him ; 
sometimes, a war is entered upon because the enemy is too 
strong ; and sometime because he is weak ; sometimes our 
neighbors want the things which we have, or have the 
things which we want — and we both fight till they have 
ours, or give us theirs. 

" If a prince sends forces into a nation, where the people 
are poor and ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to 
death, and make slaves of the rest, in order to civilize and 
reduce them from their barbarous way of living. It is a 
very kingly, honorable, and frequent practice, where one 
prince requires the assistance of another to secure him 
against an invasion, that the assistant, when he has driven 
out the invader, should seize on the dominions himself; 
and kill, imprison or banish the prince he came to relieve. 
Alliance by blood or marriage is a frequent cause of war 
between princes ; and the nearer the kindred is the greater 
the disposition to quarrel ; poor nations are hungry and 
rich nations are proud ; and pride and hunger will be ever 
at variance. 

" For these reasons, the trade of a soldier is held the 
most honorable of all others, because a soldier is a Yahoo 
hired to kill, in cold blood, as many of his own species who 
have never offended him as he possibly can." 

The French laughing philosopher, in his " Vision of 
Babouc," has well satirized the intelligence that character- 
izes licensed throat-cutting. " Babouc mounted his camel 
and set out with his attendants ; after several days' journey, 
he met, near the plains of Senaar, the Persian army, which 
was going to battle against the Indian army. He first 
spoke to a soldier whom he met marching apart from 
the others, and inquired of him what was the occasion of 
the war. ' By all the gods,' responded the soldier, ' I know 
nothing about it. It is none of my business. My business 
is to kill and be killed, for a livelihood. I don't care whom 


I serve. I might even to-morrow go over to the Indian 
camp ; for, it is said, that they give nearly a half a copper a 
day to their soldiers more than we receive in this cursed 
Persian service. If you want to know what we are fighting 
about ask the Captain.' Babouc, having given a little 
douceur to the soldier, went into the camp ; he soon made 
the acquaintance of the captain, and asked what was the 
object of the war. ' How do you suppose I know,' said the 
Captain, ' and what do I care about such a fine subject? I 
live two leagues from Persepolis ; I hear that war is de- 
clared ; I immediately leave my family, and I go to seek, 
according to our custom, fortune or death; particularly as 1 
have nothing else to do.' ' But your comrades,' said Ba- 
bouc, ' are they not better informed than you ? ' ' No,' 
said the Captain, ' nobody but our principal Satraps know 
precisely why we are cutting each other's throats.' 

" Babouc being introduced to the stafTj became at home 
with them : and one of them informed him as follows* 
' The cause of this war,' said he, ' which has desolated 
India for twenty years, arises from a dispute between a 
eunuch of the grand King of Persia's women and a clerk in 
the Cabinet of the grand King of the Indies. The question 
was about a duty which amounted to about the thirtieth 
part of a daric. Our prime minister and the prime minister 
of the Indies sustained the dignity of their respective mas- 
ters. The generals got warm on either side — an army of a 
million of soldiers was put in the field, and these armies 
have both annually recruited to the extent of four hundred 
thousand men. Murders, incendiarism, ruin and devasta- 
tion daily increase. The whole universe suffers, and the 
slaughter goes on. Our prime minister and he of the 
Indies both often protest that they are only acting for the 
benefit of the human race; and, at each protestation, there 
are always cities destroyed and provinces laid waste.' " 

" Deliver me, O Lord ! from they that imagine mischief in 
their heart ; continually are they gathered together for 


Thus prayed good King David, and yet he received 
celestial assistance in his continual fights and throat-cuttings 


Tvith the Canaanites, the Amalekites, the Amorites, the 
Perizzites, the Hittites, and the Girgashites ; and this ex- 
emplary potentate, on one of his excursions, " saved neither 
man nor woman alive." On another, he put all the people 
of the conquered cities of the Amorites " under saws, and 
under harrows of iron, and under axes of iron, and made 
them pass through the brick kiln." This, indeed, is puz- 
zling ! 

Are we indeed as ants, and do the heavenly powers en- 
courage licensed throat-cutting ? 

There seems, actually, no remedy for all this thing — no 
substitute. High civilization, doubtless, requires it all, in a 
political, if not in an anthropological sense. One man 
wields the sword, the other the lancet. The people are 
taxed that the rulers may maintain a host of licensed hom- 
icides. Democritus laughs over it, — so does Mephistoph- 



The following is the definition of the ''Balance of 
Power," in Europe, given in one of the instructions to 
Talleyrand (and probably drawn up by him), for his con- 
duct at the Congress of Vienna.* 

" It is a combination of the mutual rights and interests of 
the Powers, by means of which, Europe aims at securing^ 
the following objects : 

" 1st. That no single Power, nor any union of Powers, 
shall have the mastery in Europe. 

" 2d. That no single Power, nor union of Powers, shall be 
at liberty to infringe the actual possession and recognized 
rights of any other Power. 

" 3d. That it shall no longer be necessary, in order ta 
maintain the established state of affairs, to live in a state of 
imminent or actual war, and that the proposed combination 
shall secure the peace and repose of Europe against the 
efforts of a disturber, by diminishing his chances of suc- 

* Correspondence of Prince Talleyrand and Louis XVIII., with notes, 
by M. G. Pallain. 



Extract from the memoirs of Daniel de Cosnac, Arch- 
bishop of Aix, and, at one time, one of the Council of the 
King ; who, in his memoirs, states, that it was a source of 
glory to him that, even before the Revocation of the Edict 
of Nantes, he had destroyed all the Protestant places of 
worship in his diocese. 

" I retired to my diocese, and hardly had I arrived there, 
when dragbons were sent in all the places where there were 
any Huguenots. I relaxed no efforts in trying to make 
conversions, either by my teaching, or by the effect of 
favors, or of money. My care was not without reward, — 
scarcely ever failing to succeed. I admit that the fear of 
the dragoons and of their being quartered in' the houses of 
the heretics might have done more than my exertions. 
This lasted over two years ; and that which particularly ad- 
vanced conversions was an Assembly of Huguenots, which 
took place, in the territories of my Bishopric ; and where 
4000 men were assembled to defend themselves and their 
Heresy. Monsieur de St. Ruth,* who commanded the 
troops, having attacked and routed them, burned more than 
two hundred, who had taken refuge in a barn. A great 
number of prisoners were taken, and the rest dispersed — 
not daring to reappear. Those who were taken were con- 
demned to die by the hands of the Executioner. All the 
prisons in my diocese were full of these wretched people, 
and the Intendant executed several of them, when their 
trials were finished. It was a terrible spectacle ! " 

In another place the Archbishop writes of the fate of a 
Huguenot Minister, who, with another, had been put under 
arrest : and thus records this story of blood : 

* Subsequently killed by the English Protestant troops, at the battle 
of Aughrim. 



" These two ministers were in prison in the City of Tour- 
non, in my diocese; and I learned that they had been tried, 
■and that the Minister Hoinel, who was highly esteemed by 
his party, had been condemned to be broken alive on the 
wheel, and his body exposed in four places of the District, 
where he had lived as minister over 30 years — his com- 
panion was adjudged to be hung. 

" I felt constrained to go to Tournon, to try and rescue 
these men out of their miserable condition, if possible — 
both their bodies and souls. On arriving at the locality in 
the city, where the gallows was erected, I saw the execu- 
tioner holding captive the second minister, who was clad in 
his shirt, with a rope about his neck, by which the execu- 
tioner was leading him. I cried out with all my strength, 
' Stop the execution ! ' and, arriving on the spot, I ad- 
vanced and took the minister out of the hands of the exe- 
cutioner, and, having taken him into a, neighboring house, 
I exhorted him to consider how Divine Providence had 
sent me to his aid, and to save his soul. The man resisted 
for some time, and seemed firm in the midsi of such great 
danger ; but, in less than an hour, he promised to abjure 
his heresy, and, in fact, the next day, he made the renunci- 
ation, apparently in good faith, acknowledging that he was 
satisfied with the reasons that I advanced in response to his 

" After having finished this I spoke with him as to the 
Minister Homel ; and asked in what condition I would find 
him : and whether he would not feel like acting as the 
other had. He took all hope of this from me, by stating, 
that Homel was prepared for any suffering; and would not 
listen to anything I could say towards his conversion. 
* * * * However, as I was in the place where the man was 
confined, I entered into a dungeon where I found him im- 
prisoned ; and having caused him to be seated near me, I 
commenced, by calling his attention to the unfortunate 
condition in which he was placed. He replied, with firm- 
ness, that he was aware of it, and was even, thanks to God, 
contented with it ; and quoted several passages of Scrip- 
ture. After having let him speak for some time, we en- 


tered into the reasons by which he was persuaded that he 
was in the true path. There was no fundamental point of 
the controversy left undiscussed. He defended himself as 
well as he could, but the point on which it was impossible 
to convince him was, the invocation to the Saints. On 
greater difficulties he seemed more reasonable ; and I did 
not despair of conquering his spirit — but, on the above 
point, he was firm ; stating that he never would have re- 
course to any one for prayer, except his Redeemer. 

" I was more than four hours in this conference with him. 
I did not speak of removing him from the prison where he 
was placed, and gave him no particular hope of his life. I 
suppose that he appeared so conciliatory as to the matters 
of which I had spoken to him, with some idea of saving 
his life ; which, probably, would have been the best way tO' 
convert him from his wicked religion. He told me, how- 
ever, that if he had time to reflect on what I had told him, 
he thought God would direct him what he had better do — 
but now he was under sentence of immediate death. I told 
him that, to save his soul, there was sufficient time ; and 
that he ought to profit by God's mercy. He recognized, 
by this remark, that there was no hope for him ; and I 
declared to him that I had still authority to open the 
Heavens for him — but not to let him live on the earth — so 
that, finding no way of saving him, I left him to his fate. 
He was broken on the wheel alive, the next day ;* and what 
is extraordinary, and of which I was informed by those 
who were present at the sad sight is, that, during his tor- 
ments, he never ceased from invoking Abraham, Isaac and 
Jacob, and other Patriarchs of the Old Testament, which 
surprised me, as he had expressed himself so strongly 
against the invocation of Saints." 

* 20th October, 1683. 



Sept. 26, 1698. — In this despatch, the Marquis speaks of 
the advantages of the first proposed Partition Treaty, as 
tending to prevent a general war, inasmuch as the ''House 
of Bavaria will have the Spanish Dominions, and France 
will have Naples and Sicily — ^but apprehends trouble from 
the Emperor and the Spaniards, and that the grandees of 
Spain will be disappointed in losing these Vice-Royalties ; 
and the people at large will not think the weak house of 
Bavaria will be of great assistance in support of the Spanish 
Kingdom. In a Despatch of 19th Nov., 1698, he speaks of 
the Envoy of Bavaria having bestowed large quantities of 
pistoles on the Countess Berlips and others, and of the dis- 
position by the will of Charles in favor of the Electoral 
Prince ; and of the assembling of the Council where the 
fact was declared to it. That Count Harach was indignant 
at the news, and demanded an audience of the Queen, who 
informed him that she knew nothing about the matter. 

In a Despatch of 2d Dec, 1698, d'Harcourt says " there 
is nothing to prevent the tearing up of the will, as also any 
will made in favor of the Archduke." 

Under date of i8th Feb., 1699, the Marquis states that 
the King of Spain has sense enough to know good from 
bad ; but that he is so weak and irresolute that he has no 
will of his own — and that he is easily influenced by those he 
stands in fear of, especially by the Queen, who can make 
the King do whatever she wishes. — That the Queen is 
avaricious of money and sells all the places, and is abso- 
lutely controlled by Countess Berlips, who is even more 
avaricious than her Mistress. That the Admiral has great 



influence over the Queen, and is a keen politician, and very- 
ambitious and insincere, and desires to marry the Queen 
and become King himself. — That those three persons gov- 
ern Spain. The Marquis also states that they do what they 
please with the King and the laws. That the Count of 
Oropesa is also devoted to the Queen, of whom he is 
afraid ; and that the Admiral makes a tool of him. That 
no one else makes any efforts to influence the King towards 
good government, because the above persons have complete 
control of him. That most of the grandees are ignorant 
and lethargic — and the people he meets are singularly indo- 
lent ; and all mistrust each other. 

He speaks also of the discontent of the people at large, 
of the bad government they are under, and at the tottering 
state of the Kingdom, and of the people's desire that it 
should not be dismembered ; and that every one sees, that 
the only way to prevent that would be to have a grandson 
of Louis XIV. on the throne of Spain ; who would with the 
aid of France be able to protect and sustain the Kingdom. 
— That this is now the popular feeling and is being openly 
expressed. He then speaks of the project for the second 
Treaty of Partition. He also speaks of overtures made by 
the Queen for some negotiation with him, but doubts her 
sincerity ; and states that the Emperor is now endeavoring 
to arrange matters with her — although she had somewhat 
irritated that monarch ; that her disposition would naturally 
be for the Imperial House, and that he recommends the 
King of France to make an arrangement with the Queen, so 
that the Cortes can be assembled, and that one of Louis- 
grandsons be designated as Prince of Asturias, and receive 
the oaths — and then that such disposition be made, that on 
the decease of Charles II. the matter may be accomplished. 
The Marquis further states that it will be necessary to act 
speedily, to prevent action by Austria, and a reconciliation 
of the Queen with the Emperor. On 8th July, 1699, the 
Marquis writes of a project to remove the King of Spain 
from the throne, set on foot by the People ; and that a me- 
morial had been signed to that effect. — On 25th March, 
1700, the Marquis writes, that he has heard that the King 


of England had signed the second Treaty of Partition ; and 
thinks that the Treaty will secure more advantages to the 
King of France than anything that could be gained from 
the disposition of the Spaniards. 

On the 8th and 15th April, 1700, he writes, that he would 
not be surprised, from what he hears, as going on between 
the King, the Queen, and Ubilla, if the Archduke were sent 
for, and thinks some important movement is on the tapis 
as the troops are marching about, but all is done in a mys- 
terious way. 

On 1 2th May, 1700, he writes of conferences between 
the King, the Queen and the Due de Mol^s, the Spanish 
Ambassador to Vienna, and considers that all this is favor- 
able to the Archduke ; but all this, he states, is very dis- 
pleasing to both nobles and people, but the timidity is so 
great, that nobody complains. 

In a second set of despatches, d'Harcourt thus commu- 
nicates to the French King. From Bordeaux, 30th Oct., 
1700, he writes that De Blacourt has despatched a courier 
notifying the King that the King^of Spain had made a cod- 
icil confirming a will of 3d Oct., in favor of the grandson 
of the King of France. 

He balances the advantages of adhering to the Treaty of 
Partition, or to the will ; and intimates that in either case 
there will be a war, but that if the Will is adopted the first 
movement would be a violent one, but would soon subside. 
From Bayonne, 7th Nov., 1700: He urges that the Will 
be adopted, and says that the expenses of war under 
the Treaty would be greater than by adoption of Charles' 
Will. From Madrid, 20th Dec, 1700, he speaks of the 
enthusiasm in Madrid for Louis, and says that it will be 
difficult to reform the government, and that everybody is 
anxious for reform except in his own case. 

On 22d Dec, 1700, he speaks of depriving the English 
and Dutch of the Spanish and East Indian trades. 

On 27th Dec, 1700, he speaks of the good intentions of 
the Cardinal Portocarrero, and advises Louis to send word 
to the ministry in Spain, to sign whatever he may direct 
them to do. 


From St. Jean de Luz, 17th Jan., 1701, he advises the 
removal of the Dutch troops from the Netherlands. 

" If that Republic," he states, " would follow its true in- 
terests and were really free, it would put itself under the 
protection of your Majesty ; but its principal men, having 
been for a long time gained by the King of England, private 
persons have to sacrifice their interests to the passion for 
that Prince. I think the delay of the Dutch to recognize 
the King of Spain, and to answer to the request for the 
evacuation, and the insinuation of the Ambassador of 
Sweden, are only pretexts to prepare themselves, and to 
gain time ; and if you are to have war, it were better to 
have it now than to-morrow. I even dare to say to your 
Majesty that the war in this conjuncture will be a short one, 
•and will be more advantageous than peace — since it will 
give you opportunity to make any peace you choose." 

On i8th March, 1701, he states: " I have remarked with 
pleasure, in the last letter of M- de Tallard, the impossibility 
in which the English are placed to sustain any war they 
may undertake for over two years." 

On 7th April, 1701, he writes : " The King of Spain shows 
a perfect desire to obey your orders in everything. He 
conducts himself in a way that might be hoped for in a 
young Prince. He is a little more confident, and bolder 
than formerly. He speaks Spanish with everybody. He is 
willing to receive advice with docility and good sense. He 
is becoming more intelligent, daily, and your Majesty 
■ought to be pleased with the fact that he has a sense of 
true glory, and acts to meet approval. He only requires to 
be a little more animated." 

" He shows himself frequently, and after his hour devoted 
to the despatches, he makes the tour of his apartments, 
where all persons can see and speak to him, or present 
petitions ; and as he does this every day, he gives no audi- 
ences. On Fridays, only, as did his predecessor, there is 
always some persons to dinner, and even citizens ; although 
that is contrary to Spanish etiquette. He often passes 
through the city, on horseback, and whenever that happens 
he is escorted to his palace by a crowd of people, as on 
the day of his arrival." 


St. John, in a violent diatribe, in the early papers of the 
Examiner, attacked the Whigs on every point. " In Spain, 
in Savoy, on the Rhine," he writes, " enough and but just 
enough has been done to serve as a pretence for estimates 
and demands for supplies ; but nothing decisive, — nothing 
which had the appearance of earnest has been so much 
as attempted, except that wise expedition to Thoulon, 
which we suffered to be defeated before it began. The 
whole stress of the war has been wantonly laid where 
France is best able to keep us at bay ; as if we fought only 
to make ostentation of our valor and riches. * * * From 
whence it appears probable enough, that if the war contin- 
ues much longer on the present foot, instead of regaining 
Spain, we shall find the Duke of Anjou in a condition to 
pay the debt of gratitude and support to the grandfather, 
in his declining years, by whose arms, in the days of his 
infancy, he was upheld. — The Dutch will have a larger and 
better country than their own, at the expense of Britain — 
conquered for them by those ministers, who thought it 
once impolitic for them to consent that even Ostend should 
be made a part of their barrier. Britain may expect to re- 
main exhausted of men and money, to see her trade di- 
vided among her neighbors, her revenues anticipated, even 
to future generations, and to have lost this only glory left 
her, that she has proved a farm to the bank, a province to 
Holland, and a jest to the whole world ! " — SOMERS' 
" Tracts," vol. xiii. 

26 401 


Marshal Berwick, half brother to the Pretender, com- 
menting on Oxford's conduct at this time, states, in his 
memoirs, that the Jacobites could never get anything de- 
cided out of Oxford. " This lethargy," he writes, " could 
not proceed from his want of understanding or courage ; 
for no man had more of them than he : it was, therefore, 
morally certain that his only motive, in all the advances he 
had hitherto made to us, had been his own interest in 
endeavoring to join the Jacobites with the Tories, and by 
that means, securing to himself a majority in Parliament, 
that the Peace might be approved of. As soon as he had 
compassed this end, he thought of nothing except upon 
being on good terms with the House of Hanover, and as to 
the Pretender, he amused him from time to time, with some 
new proposal of changing his religion, or at least pretend- 
ing to do so. The Court of France, as well as we, were 
then persuaded that Oxford was imposing upon us; but as 
they had concluded their principal' business, by his means, 
they were easily comforted." 

The Duke de Berwick, being actively engaged in the 
Jacobite plots, and quite behind the scenes, also states as 
follows in his memoirs, in speaking of the necessity of ar- 
ranging the peace, before the Jacobite plans could be 
carried out. " Though it appeared to me that one of these 
points was no hindrance to the other, yet, in order to show 
that we would omit nothing, and to give proofs of our sin- 
cerity, we wrote to all the Jacobites to join in with the 
Court. This contributed greatly to make the Queen's 
party so superior in the House of Commons, that every- 
thing was carried there, according to her wishes." 



On gth of April, 17 14, the House of Lords presented 
the following address to the Queen, as to the Pretender : 

" We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, 
the Lords spiritual and temporal, in Parliament assembled, 
having a just and tender concern for your Majesty, and our 
country, and being encouraged by that zeal your Majesty 
has so often expressed from the throne, for the Protestant 
succession, in the illustrious House of Hanover, do now 
presume to renew our most humble application to your 
Majesty, upon a subject so agreeable to you as this, which is 
nearest your own royal heart ; and do humbly beseech your 
Majesty that, whenever your Majesty, in your great wis- 
dom, shall judge it necessary, you will be graciously pleased 
to issue your Royal proclamation, promising a reward to 
any person who shall apprehend and bring the Pretender 
to justice, in case he shall land, or attempt to land, either in 
Great Britain or Ireland, suitable to the importance of the 
service, for the safetyof your Majesty's person, and the 
security of the Protestant succession, in the House of Han- 

" We do also desire leave to express our very great concern 
that your Majesty's instances for removing the Pretender 
out of Lorraine have not yet had their effect; and do hum- 
bly entreat your Majesty, that you will be graciously pleased 
to insist upon and renew your instances, for the speedy 
removing of the Pretender out of Lorraine, and likewise 
that your Majesty will be graciously pleased, in conjunction 
with the States General, to desire the Emperor to enter 
into the guarantee of the Protestant Succession, in the 
House of Hanover ; and also all such other princes as your 
Majesty shall think proper." 



The curt answer of the Queen much raised the hopes of 
the adherents of the Pretender; and is indicative of the 
true feeling of the Queen and of her Ministers in the 
matter : 

" My Lords: It would be a real strengthening of the suc- 
cession in the House of Hanover, as well as a support to 
my government, that an end were put to those groundless 
fears and jealousies which have been so industriously pro- 

" I do not at this time see any occasion for such a procla- 
mation. Whenever I shall judge it necessary, I will give 
my orders for having one issued. As to the other particu- 
lars of the address, I will give proper directions therein." 

The Pretender, continuing to reside at Lorraine, and his 
partisans being discovered enlisting men in Ireland, the 
two Houses of Parliament, in June, 1714, became so anx- 
ious about his movements that they requested the Queen 
to issue a proclamation for his apprehension, which, under 
the stress of public opinion, was accordingly done, with a 
reward of ;^50oo offered. 

To an address from the House on the subject, the Queen 
also returned an abrupt answer: 

" Gentlemen : The hearty concern you show in this 
address for the security of the Protestant succession is very 
agreeable to me. I hope your concurrence will have the 
desired effect in removing jealousies and quieting the minds 
of my good subjects." 



Extract from the Prince's memoirs, in MS. in the Astor 
Library, N. Y. : " During the time that the minor king re- 
mained in the castle of Vincennes, I still continued in 
Paris, in obedience to the orders I had received in the life- 
time of Louis XIV., to furnish with impenetrable secrecy 
the succors before mentioned to the principal ministers 
of the Pretender, and to see him in private : one of these 
was the Duke of Berwick, of whom I have sufificiently 
spoken — the other was Lord Bolingbroke — a nobleman very 
well known, from the great share he had in the pacific 
Treaty of Utrecht, as also on account of the supreme 
authority he exercised in England, during the life of Queen 
Anne. * * * I had frequent occasions to confer with him : 
and it appeared to me that he was an improper person to be 
intrusted with affairs of great moment. The liveliness of 
his wit, the quickness of his resolutions, and his uncommon 
sagacity in matters of the greatest difficulty, were qualifica- 
tions which lost their value by being contrasted with the 
vices of a man to the highest degree negligent ; who pre- 
ferred his pleasures and his dissoluteness to matters of the 
greatest consequence, and who passed many hours of the 
day and all those of the night in drinking and debauchery 
— always spoke without reserve, revealed to the compan- 
ions of his licentiousness the most hidden secrets of gov- 
ernment ; and who, lastly, despising religion and faith, 
acknowledged no other god than his pleasure." 



Extract from the Earl of Oxford's speech, in the House 
of Lords, on the motion that he be put in immediate cus- 

" My Lords : It is a very great misfortune, for any man, to 
fall under the displeasure of so great and so powerful a body 
as the Commons of Great Britain. And "this misfortune is 
the heavier upon me, because I had the honor to be placed 
at the head of the late Ministry, and must now, it seems, 
be made accountable for all the measures that were then 
pursued. * * * My Lords, I could say a great deal to 
clear myself of the charge which is brought against me: 
but, as I now labor under an indisposition of body, besides 
the fatigue of this long sitting, I shall contract what I have 
to say within a very narrow compass. This whole accusa- 
tion may, it seems, be reduced to the negotiation and con- 
clusion of the peace. That the nation wanted a peace, 
nobody will deny : and I hope that it will be easily made 
out, that the conditions of this peace are as good as could 
be expected, considering the circumstances wherein it was 
made, and the backwardness and reluctancy which some of 
the allies showed to come into the Queen's measures. 
This is certain — that this peace, as bad as it is now repre- 
sented, was approved by two successive Parliaments. It 
is indeed suggested against this peace that it was a sepa- 
rate one. But I hope, my Lords, that it will be made appear 
that it was general : and that it was France and not Great 
Britain that made the first steps towards a negotiation. 
And, my Lords, I will be bold to say, that, during my 
whole administration, the Sovereign upon the Throne was 
loved at home and feared abroad. As to the business of 

* Hansard's Debates in Parliament. 


Tournay, which is made a capital charge, I can safely aver, 
that I had no manner of share in it ; and that the same 
was wholly transacted by that unfortunate nobleman who 
thought fit to step aside. But I dare say, in his behalf, 
that if this charge could be proved, it would not amount 
to treason. For my own part, as I always acted by the 
immediate directions and. commands of the late Queen, and 
never offended against any known law, I am justified in my 
conscience, and unconcerned for the life of an insignificant 
old man. But I cannot, without the highest ingratitude, 
be unconcerned about the best of Queens — a Queen who 
heaped upon me honors and preferments, though I never 
asked for them ; and therefore, I think myself under an 
obligation to vindicate her memory, and the measures she 
pursued, to my dying breath. My Lords, if Ministers of 
State, acting by the immediate commands of their sover- 
eign, are afterwards to be made accountable for their pro- 
ceedings, it may one day or other be the case of all the 
members of this August Assembly. I don't doubt, there- 
fore, that, out of regard to yourselves, your Lordships will 
give me an equitable hearing ; and I hope that in the pros- 
ecution of this enquiry, it will appear that I have merited, 
not only the indulgence but also the favor of the govern- 

" My Lords, I am now to take my leave of your Lord- 
ships and of this honorable House — perhaps — forever! I 
shall lay down my life, with pleasure, in a cause favored 
by my dear late Royal mistress. And, when I consider that 
I am to be judged by the justice, honor and virtue of my 
Peers, I shall acquiesce and retire with great content." 

By permission of the Peers, Oxford was allowed to go to 
his own house — but, by vote of 82 against 50 he was 
ordered into close custody. On retiring to his house he 
had the consolation, if any, of the sympathy of the mob, 
which shouted, " High Church, Ormond and Oxford for- 


Extract from the memoirs of Prince Cellamare, ambassa- 
dor of Spain, at Paris, translated in MS. from the Italian 
MS., in the " Paper Office," London : 

" I had, moreover, several times, exposed, in v^in, to the 
Duke of Orleans, the strong reasons which prevented me 
from approving, in any measure, those projects of peace 
his Royal Highness meant to promote, since they could 
not but be considered, by every one who would examine 
them carefully, as being equally contrary to natural and 
civil right — to divine and human laws. But absolutely 
bent upon pursuing his designs, I began, against my will, 
and driven by indispensable necessity, to listen to the 
proposals of some French noblemen of high rank, who 
wished to moderate or destroy the authority of the Regent. 
I was well aware that the project of these men was violent 
and hazardous ; but I considered, on the other hand, that, 
where necessity compels, there boldness ought to be con- 
sidered as prudence. I, moreover, apprehended that, if I 
rejected their proposals, they would convey them to the 
knowledge of the King, my master, through some other 
channel, and that my too great caution might, afterwards, 
be disapproved by his Majesty. At the same time, my 
mind was disturbed with various reflections. I was aware 
that the pernicious negotiations and preparations of the 
Duke of Orleans were advancing very fast, nor did I doubt 
that it was proper to prevent his designs ; but I did not 
expect that these negotiations could be subverted by the 
French alone ; who, bred up in ease and pleasure, would not 
care to oppose the authority of the Regent, and would 
submit to the hardest yoke of slavery rather than expose 
their estates, their houses, and their delightful gardens to 
dangerous hazards, and rather than absent themselves from 



their ladies or lose one single supper. I also knew that 
the Duke of Orleans had offended the Commonalty of 
France, by destroying their trade, by altering the value 
of their coin and by increasing the taxes. * * * Never- 
theless, I judged that, without engaging the natives of a 
country in a contest, petitions might be presented to his 
Most Christian Majesty,* for the convocation of the States ; 
and this simple demand, supported by the advice of the 
Catholic King, would be sufficient to divert the Duke of 
Orleans from his enterprises : and, consequently, I im- 
agined that it was advantageous to the interests of his 
Catholic Majesty to listen to his zealous partisans. I there- 
fore had various conferences with them, observing every 
possible caution to keep these practices concealed. I then 
sent a messenger to Madrid, to give his Catholic Majesty a 
full account of these manoeuvres, and, at the end of a few 
days, received orders, in answer, to continue these intrigues. 
I then endeavored to encourage the good-will of the above 
named persons : and they assured me that a great number 
of very respectable persons were favorably inclined to the 
Cause. Nevertheless, before I took any other steps, I con- 
sidered maturely, within myself, whether it were suitable 
to my pacific Ministry, to proceed in the conduct of such a 
business. I knew very well that it was not becoming to an 
Ambassador to raise seditions, and, making an improper 
use of his Ministry, to excite the people against the Prince 
with whom he resided. But, on the other hand, I con- 
sidered that, in the present business, no other matter was 
in question, than to have recourse to the King himself, that 
he should order his magistrates to take into consideration 
the requests of the most faithful subjects of the Crown ; 
and that the Catholic King — a Prince nearly related by 
the ties of blood to his most Christian Majesty — should 
strengthen their Petitions with his approbation : and, there- 
fore, laying aside all scruple, I persevered in the business 
I had undertaken. It was also evident to me that the 
Regency of the Duke of Orleans, which it was meant to 
overthrow, not being established upon the ancient and 
* The youthful Louis XV. 


fundamental laws of the Kingdom, nor strengthened by a 
long and uninterrupted custom, nor prescribed by the last 
will of the deceased monarch, nor yet authenticated by the 
decision of the States General of the Kingdom, ought, 
justly, to be considered as an illegal and usurped power, 
which, being employed for bad purposes, degenerated into 
a detestable tyranny. 

" I, therefore, thought that, without offending the right of 
nations, I might obey the orders of my Sovereign, and avail 
myself of the intelligence I had received — especially when 
I considered that to limit the authority of the Duke of 
Orleans was, really, doing' a most essential service to his 
most Christian Majesty, since the Regent, actuated by his 
own views, exerted that authority, merely, in increasing 
the power of the enemies of the Crown, in introducing 
dissensions in the Royal House ; and in dissipating im- 
mense treasures to secure the friendship of foreign princes. 

" There were not wanting, however, many persons who in- 
considerately thought that his Royal Highness, after hav- 
ing secured to himself by means of his negotiations and 
new alliances, the presumptive succession to the crown, 
would have cruelly put an end to the life of the Most Chris- 
tian King, an opinion, in fact very rash, to which we are 
not to give entire faith ; but which, exciting in the minds 
of men, uncommon apprehensions, was sufficient to make 
them exert every effort to obliterate the most remote 
suspicion of so enormous a crime. 

" I did not neglect to converse, in a confidential manner, 
with the above mentioned noblemen, upon these great and 
important matters — persuading them, at the same time, 
not to take inconsiderable, unseasonable and hasty steps, 
when his Catholic Majesty had not forces sufficient, in 
Spain, to support such enterprises, in case the Duke of 
Orleans, treating them as seditious, should endeavor, by 
force, to suppress their attempts. * * * * 

" In the mean while, the particulars of the manifesto were 
settled and conveyed into Spain ; as also the letters by 
which his Catholic Majesty was to represent to the King, 
his nephew, to the Parliaments of the Kingdom, and to all 


the nation, his grievances ; proposing the redress, not only 
of those disorders which were prejudicial to his own in- 
terests, but also of those which were immediately injuri- 
ous to his most Christian Majesty, and to the Kingdom 
of France — supporting likewise, in this memorial, the peti- 
tions which great numbers of Frenchmen were to present 
to him in the name of the Commonalty, and entreating 
him to convoke a general meeting of the States, and, with 
the advice of that great assembly, to put the government 
on a better footing. 

" I afterwards got possession of the originals of the above 
writings authenticated by the forms of his Catholic Majesty, 
as also of the letter to the King, his nephew, written 
entirely with his own hand, with orders to present it when 
it should be necessary ; and not to go any distance from 
Paris, if even an open rupture should take place, unless I 
were forcibly driven from thence." (The manifesto and 
other papers were somewhat changed, and Cellamare 
relates how they were transmitted to Spain by Don Vin- 
cent Portocarrero, then on a visit to Paris.) " For greater 
precaution," the narrative continues, " I desired that Don 
Vincent should conceal the parcels, placing them between 
the lining and the cloth of his coat, and I charged him, 
above all things, to observe religious secrecy in the execu- 
tion of this trust. 

" Matters now having come to this extremity, it was not 
only considered, in Spain, that a war was at hand, with the 
Regency of France, but it was known that the Duke of 
Orleans acted, already, as an open enemy, and that, accord- 
ing to the rules practised, reprisals might take place. 
Nevertheless, the King, my Master, being averse to injure 
thg-t nation in which he was brought up, was desirous that 
all the violent proceedings should arise from the ambition 
and caprice of the Regent ; and declared that he had no 
intention to do any injury upon this occasion to the Mer- 
chants or other Frenchmen within the limits of his do- 
minions, and he caused a memorial to be published in re- 
lation to this matter. 

"At this period, an anonymous publication appeared — 


which censured, with artful irony, the letters written lately 
under the fictitious name of Fitz-Morris. The author of 
these letters had industriously exerted every effort, in 
order that the argument for the succession of the Duke of 
Orleans to the crown, in case of the death of his most 
Christian Majesty, should appear incontestable. He had, 
also, taken great pains to justify the preceding conduct 
of his Royal Highness, and to treat as calumnies, all those 
reports which were circulated against this Prince, at the 
time that he resided in Spain." 

Cellamare then recounts that twelve copies of the above 
book criticising the letters, had been sent to him, which 
became known to the Government, who suspected him in 
being concerned in the work, and, consequently, watched 
his motions. He also speaks of bribing divers personages^ 
and of the various bribes used by the Abb6 Dubois, and of 
the purchase of the great diamond called the " Regent," 
which, he says, was purchased by the Regent only with an 
intention " to gratify Lord Stanhope, whose father-in-law 
had this jewell to sell ; and had no hopes of obtaining so 
great a price for it." 

Cellamare then speaks of his being watched by the gov- 
ernment, and of Portocarrero being arrested at Poictiers, on 
his way to Spain, with all the papers entrusted by Cella- 
mare upon him, which were seized. The Prince having 
sent word to his adherents in France of the seizure, and 
after advising some to leave the Kingdom, made a bold 
demand upon the government for redress, on account of 
the seizure of his papers. " The Abb6 Dubois," he con- 
tinues, "answered my message with artful expressions, and 
full of deceit — making excuses alleging his ignorance of the 
fact, and offering, at the same time, to endeavor to get into 
his hands the parcels above mentioned; and stating that 
they should not, certainly, be opened ; but that they should 
all be religiously returned to me. I did not give any credit 
to these offers, and I readily persuaded myself that, after 
the contents of my papers were thoroughly examined, the 
Regent would have them sealed up agajn, and delivered to 
me, in order not to alter that complete dissimulation which 


he had hitherto observed with me ; leaving himself at full 
liberty to act, afterwards, in such manner as he should 
think most proper, without coming, at present, to an open 
rupture, and to violent measures injurious to the rights of 
nations. This opinion was still more confirmed by his 
Royal Highness speaking to me, in very courteous and 
familiar terms, upon occasion of my meeting him, the same 
day, at the apartments of the Duchess, his wife." 

After vainly demanding his papers, which were promised 
him from day to day, Cellamare was told by one M. Le 
Blanc, that he was commissioned to deliver the papers into 
the former's individual hands, and an appointment was of- 
fered at his (Le Blanc's house), for that purpose, exactly at 

"These evasions," says Cellamare, "gave me suflficient 
reason to expect some extraordinary novelty ; and it ap- 
peared insolent that such a proposal should be made, and 
that I should be required to go, in person, upon business of 
this kind. * * * Nevertheless I took the resolution to go, 
at the appointed hour, together with my secretary ; and, to 
my great surprise, I found M. Le Blanc, accompanied by 
the Abb^ Dubois, and, having retired with them, into the 
furthest room in the house, the Abb6, without any preface 
of ceremony said to me, in an altered and trembling tone 
of voice : 

" ' There have been found. Prince, among your parcels, 
some seditious writings and designs to subvert all the order 
of government, and to overturn the Kingdom. The King 
has, therefore, resolved to take proper measures to secure 
the public tranquillity, and has ordered me to proceed to 
the house of your Excellency, in order to leave there, in 
the custody of secure and absolutely confidential persons, 
all the papers of the Embassy, and to make it known to 
you, that it is his Majesty's pleasure, that your Excellency 
should go out of the confines of the Kingdom of France, 
with all possible despatch, accompanied by a gentleman of 
the Court, who, from henceforward, is to remain with you, 
treating you, however, with all those marks of respect that 
are due to your person.' Scarce had he ended his speech. 


when, in answer to this extraordinary proceeding, I imme- 
diately said to him, ' If, after committing the infamous 
trespass of violating the public faith, and having rashly 
broken the seals of letters directed to his Catholic Majesty, 
by his Ambassador, the contents had been carefully ex- 
amined by you, or if, after having comprehended the true 
sense of my despatches, you would clearly acknowledge the 
meaning of them, you would not dare to pronounce words 
so offensive to truth and to the decorum of my Ministry. 
You have, certainly, found nothing in my letters but the 
complaints of your own natives of France ; and the resent- 
ment with which they express their detestation of the 
effects of a Regency considered by them as unlawful ; 
while, at the same time, the King, my Master, seeks to 
strengthen those solicitations, by which they have resolved 
to seek relief of his Most Christian Majesty, from the 
numerous evils with which France is at present afflicted. 
By express order of my sovereign, I have listened to their 
demands ; and have since transmitted to the Court of Spain 
their projects set on foot to preserve the State, and to 
avoid the misfortunes produced by your new treaties and 
your new alliances.' " 

These bold and insolent words naturally exasperated the 
Abb6 Dubois ; but M. Le Blanc interposed as Pacificator, or 
rather, Moderator. 

Cellamare thereupon withdrew, still loudly protesting. 
Guards, however, accompanied him, and took possession of 
all his papers. He was, also, forbidden to leave his house, 
unless accompanied, and guards were placed in it. To all 
this treatment Cellamare put in a formal protest to the 
nominal King of France ; but under compulsion from the 
French government, on the 13th Dec, 1718, quitted Paris. 
He rested for a time at Blois ; and on his arrival in Spain, 
was instructed not to appear at Court, but received the 
governorship of one of the Provinces. 


The following is the opinion of Camille Desmoulins, one 
of the instigators as well as one of the victims of the French 
Revolution, on the character and reign of Louis XIV. It 
appeared in one of his pamphlets "Za France libre," circu- 
lated at the time, and presents, of course, the extreme 
democratic view of royalty, then prevailing. " That Prince, 
with whom the French Academy has been so infatuated, 
and who has been deified for a century past — in the eyes of 
reason — before the tribunal of posterity — and judged by 
the irrefragable testimony of facts — what is he? — A bad 
parent, a treacherous friend, a wicked husband and an un- 
natural brother. A vindictive, cruel, and treacherous 
prince — ^jealous of the smallest merit or glory in others. A 
prince so blinded by success, and so infatuated by flattery, 
that he was convinced that it was not his generals who 
gained battles, but his own direction : so that it was a 
matter of no- consequence whether he put at the head of his 
armies one of his servants, or a great general. In recogni- 
tion of the eulogies of the nation on his insensate adminis- 
tration, he crushed it with his pomp, and bankrupted it for 
all time. He gave us the capitation tax and the tax of a 
tenth on income ; he burthened the State, in twenty years, 
with fifteen hundred millions of obligations; he created two 
millions of salaries, and left more than four thousand mill- 
ions of debts. But, it is his despotism that renders his 
memory abominable to his fellow citizens. He found noth- 
ing so glorious as to be a Sultan over them : and what Sul- 
tan was ever so absolute? He ruled the people by his 
' lettres de cachet.' He forbade us, under penalty of the 
galleys, to leave the Kingdom, as if we were serfs or ne- 
groes chained to a house. A persecutor almost to madness, 
this Jesuit king commanded his dragoons to convert three 



millions of heretics. He caused ten thousand of them to 
perish by the wheel, by the gallows and by the stake ; with- 
out counting a million of fugitives that France lost forever. 

" A frenzied despot, he did not wish the English to be 
freer than we were ; and he endeavored to force them to 
retake their tyrant. 

" Such was the contempt in which he held the nation, then 
illustrious through its heroes and great men, that, when 
young, he dared to enter parliament, in riding boots, with 
his whip in his hand : and, when old, he designated for its 
future ruler one of his bastards. 

" He it was who particularly took pleasure in war, as 
others take pleasure in the chase : and who, during his 
whole life, drove his people to it as if they were a pack of 
hounds. What are the crimes of burning a barn, or an ob- 
scure assassination, compared with the ravaging of the Pal- 
atinate and of his massacres on the battle field ! ' I have 
been too fond of war,' said he — ' no ! — you did not like 
war. That might have been an excuse for Charles the 
Twelfth ; the whistling of cannon balls was music to him — 
hut j/ou — you -were a. coward / — you fled from the presence 
of any danger to yourself, and took refuge about the car- 
riage of a prostitute — and gave her the theatrical display of 
a St. Bartholomew's day on the open field. No — you did 
not like war. You loved nothing but yourself. You saw 
nothing but yourself. You believed everything created was 
for you — both the lives of your subjects and their families.' 
Oh ! if I had been the Marquis de Montespan, instead of 
going into mourning, like a fool, instead of writing a stupid 
letter to the Pope asking to be allowed to be married again, 
I would have done as did the Senator Maximus, or the 
wood-sawyer of Messina — of whom I wonder there have 
been so few imitators. * * * *" 

" Like those insane persons who are perfectly sane on all 
subjects but one, the French people gave lessons to Europe 
on all sciences, but remained in complete childhood as to 
the principles of natural right — as to the only science which 
does not require to be learned — but which is engraved on 
every heart." 


In the " Consolato del Mare" — that very ancient compi- 
lation of maritime laws and usages, promulgated probably 
as early as the loth, but formulated into a code probably in 
the 14th Century, it is laid down in the French version, thus : 
" Si quelque navire arm6 qui entre, sort, est, ou reste en 
course, rencontre un autre navire de marchandises ; si ce 
dernier est enemi, et que ce qu'il portera appartienne aux 
enemis, sur ce qu'il portera il ne faut rien dire, parce que 
chacun sait et est certain de ce qu'il faut faire en pareille 
circonstance , c'est pourquoi, en pareil cas, il faut se taire." 
(That is to say, that the ship and cargo are both to be con- 

" Mais, si le navire pria est ami, et que la marchandise qu'il 
porte appartienne k des ennemis, I'amiral du vaisseau arm6 
pent forcer et contraindre le seigneur du navire pris, k lui 
apporter toutes les choses qui appartiendront aux ennemis, 
et exiger qu'il se tienne, dans son navire, jusqu' k ce qu'il 
soit en lieu de recouvrement , ce qui signifie que I'Amiral, 
ou autre pour lui, doit se faire suivre derri^re, jusqu' k un 
lieu oil il n'ait point peur que les ennemis puissent le lui 


The Treaty of Westphalia was signed both at Osnabriick 
and Miinster, in Westphalia, and is sometimes termed the 
"Treaty of Miinster." 


Among the books consulted, the following are suggested, 
if further research is desired : 

Bacalar-y-San Felipe, Comentarios of ; Bolingbroke, Mis. 
works and Correspondence ; Broderick, History of the 
Late War in the Netherlands, London, 171 3; Berwick, 
Memoirs of Marshal, Due de ; Biederman, (F. B. F.) 
Traitd d'Utrecht r6clam6 par la France ; Burnet, Bishop, 
History of his Times ; Cellamare, Memoirs of the Prince of ; 
Collections inedites, sur I'histoire de France; Capefigue, 
Gouver'ment, etc., de Louis XIV.; Coxe, Memoirs of Kings 
of Spain ; Cunningham, A., History of Great Britain, pub. 
in 1787; Collection, State tracts, temp. Wm. HL; De Torcy, 
Memoires, etc. ; Dunlop, Memoirs of Spain ; D'Avaux, Nego- 
tiations en Hollande, 1679-1688 ; Documents inedites, sur 
I'histoire de France ; De Brienne, Memoires du Compte ; 
Dumont and Rousset, Histoire Militaire de Prince Eugene ; 
De Louville, Secret Memoirs (Paris, 1818, Comte de 
Roure) ; De Noailles, Memoirs ; De Villars, Memoirs ; 
Dumont, Course universel diplomatique ; and Recueil des 
principaux trait^s de paix ; Dumont, Memoires pour I'his- 
toire, etc.; Eugene, Prince, Memoirs, by himself ; Flassan, 
Histoire de la diplomatie Francaise ; Furneaux, Histoire 
abreg^e des traites ; Freschot, C, Histoire du Congr^s, etc.; 
Grovestein, Guillaume HL et Louis XIV.; Grimblot, Wil- 



Ham and Louis XIV., Letters of ; Giraud, J. B. C, Traitd 
d'Utrecht ; Garden, Comte de, his works ; Hardwicke, MSS. 
Collection Political and State papers, Astor Library ; 
Koch, Histoire abregde des trait^s, etc.; Louis XIV., M6- 
moires de ; Louis XIV., Lettres particuliferes ; and Lettres 
aux Princes de 1' Europe; Lamberti, Mdmoires pour servir k 
I'histoire du iSifeme si^cle; La Fare, Memoirs, 1719, in Peti- 
tot Collection ; La Torre, M^moires et negotiations secretes, 
etc.; London Gazette, 1711-13; Louville, Marquis de, 
M^moires- secrets sur I'establissement de la maison de 
Bourbon, etc.; M^moires Militaires, relatifs a la Sucession, 
etc.; Mercure, Le, Historique et Politique, La Haye, 
1711-1713; Millot, Mdmoires politiques et militaires ; Mc- 
Pherson, Stuart and Hanover papers ; McPherson, History ; 
Martens, Recueil des Trait^s ; M^moires relatifs k I'his- 
toire de France, 3 series ; M^moires historiques, do. do.; 
Michaud, Collection de m^moires, hist, de France ; Mignet, 
Negotiations relatives k la Succession ; Maintenon, Letters 
of Madame de ; Marlborough, Memoirs of, Coxe ; Mi- 
chaud, Collection de m^moires ; Martin, Louis XIV.; No- 
ailles, P. due de, Histoire de Madame de Maintenon ; No- 
ailles, Adrien M., M^moires de Louis XIV.; Orleans, Cor- 
respondance of Madame Charlotte Elizabeth d'Orleans, by 
Brunet ; Ortiz, Chroniques, etc.; Petitot, Correspondance 
Administrative, sous Louis XIV.; Petitot, Historical series, 
I and 2, Collections de m^moires historiques ; Prior, History 
of his Times ; Polignac, Histoire du Cardinal ; Perrin, Collec- 
tion Universelle, etc.; Portocarrero, Histoire de. Anon.; 
Quincy, Marquis de, Histoire des guerres de Louis XIV.; 
Rulhi^res, Revocation de I'Edict de Nantes ; Rousset, Sup- 
plement to Dumont ; Spanheim, Relation de la cour de 
France; Saint Prest, Histoires des Trait^s, etc., i7ifeme sifecle ; 
Stanhope, History Queen Anne ; Stanhope, Extract of corre- 
spondence of Hon. A., 1690-99 ; Swift, Memoirs last four 
years of Queen Anne ; Swift, Miscellanies ; Somerville, 
History Great Britain under Queen Anne ; Sevelinges, C. 
L. de. Precis des evenements, etc. ; St. Simon, M^moires ; 
Stanhope, History of the War in Spain ; Somers, The 



Somers' Tracts ; Tindall, Supplement to. Rapin's History 
of England ; Torre, de la, M^moires, etc.; Villars, de, H., 
M^moires ; Voltaire, Le siecle de Louis XIV. 

Mem. — Portions of the Chapters V. and XXXIV. in the foregoing Re- 
view, are taken from a prior writing by the author. 


GiNDELY, Professor of German History in the University of Prague. 
Translated by Andrew Ten Brook, recently Professor of Mental 
Philosophy in the University of Michigan. "Second Edition. Two 
volumes, octavo, with maps and illustrations . . . $4 oo 

This most important period of European History, a right understanding of which 
is essential to the prope:- comprehension of Europe to-day, has long waited for an his- 
torian. The work of Gchilbr, while thoroughly readable, was written vithout any special 
historical preparation, and at a time when the collections of government archives were not 
accessible. The little handbook of Gardiner is a most admirable summary, but is too 
condensed for general reading. It is believed that the present work, which has been pre- 
pared by an historian of the highest position and authority, and while thoroughly trust-. 
worthy for the purposes of the scholar, is full of interest for the general reader, will meet 
all the requirements,, and, will remain the authority on the subject. 

" May safely be pronounced better than the best," — Dis, a/ Christy Cincinnati. 

" His portraitures are vividly drawn, and his battle scenes are pictured with great 
realistic power." — ZiotCs Herald. 

" The clear style of the translation makes the reading of the book not only easy 
but delightful."— ^w//^^/«, Philadelphia. 

*' The translator has not only performed his task in a masterly manner, but by his 
presentation of this admirable work to English readers, has placed them under a debt of 
obligation. ' ' — Portland Press. 

" Prof. Gindely has achieved true success in the historical line ; he has a real 
genius for such labors." — Post^ Hartford, 

"Wonderfully well drawn." — Advocate^ Cincinnati, 

" It will doubtless take its place at once as the work of standard authority on the 
subject." — Critic and Good Literature. 

" Beyond all question the best history of the Thirty Years' War yet published." 
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" Indispensable to the student. For the general reader it is one of the most pic- 
turesque in history." — Hartjard Courant. 

"Unquestionably the best history of the Thirty Years' War that has ever been 
written." — Baltimore A merican, 

" Must take a high and permanent place in historical literature.''- — Brooklyn Eagle. 

" It is not the least of the services to the cause of right thinking that has at last 
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Roman Papacy owes to the art and devotion of the Society of Jesus ; nor, we may add, a 
more thorough exposure of the Macaulay romance, that the Reformation in its spread fol- 
lowed the Saxon and Northern races, and proved unacceptable to people of Romanic 
descent. ' — N. Y. Independent, 

'* He writes with the calmness of a philosopher and the correctness of a scholar, 
and the work will take rank with the best histories of modern times." — Harrishurg 


A Companion to Gindely's Thirty Years' War, 

Hon. John L. Stevens, LL.D., recently United States Minister to 
Stockholm. 8vo, with new portrait engraved on steel . $2 50 

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holm. It fills an octavo volume of four hundred and twenty-seven pages, but it seems not 
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Hojne Journal. 

" Mr. Stevens is possessed of unusual abilities for the preparation of such a work 
as this. An able writer, with a mind trained in the school of practical, political, and 
diplomatic affairs, and enriched and strengthened by close study of books and keen obser- 
vation of men, having had six years' service at the Swedish Court as United States 
Minister, the very theatre on which the memorable deeds of Gustavus Adolphus were 
wrought, his work shows the master-hand in every page." — Kennebec Journal. 

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to history. * * * Mr. Stevens has grouped the events of European history during the 
lifetime of Gustavus Adolphus in a masterly manner. So much of the history and issues 
of the Thirty Years' War as was included in the relations which the Swedish hero bore to 
its events, is clearly and perspicuously described. Ample justice is done in the pases of 
the book also to Wallensteln, and the whole story is clothed with graces of style and is 
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Minneapolis Tribune. 


A History of American Literature. By Moses Coit Tyler, 
Professor of Literature in Cornell University. Bradstreet edition. 
Vols. I and II, comprising the period 1607-1765. Large 8vo, 
handsomely bound in cloth extra, gilt top, $6,00. Agawam edition, 
two volumes in one, 8vo, half bound, $3.00. ' 

*^ Of the thoroughness, candor, and care of Prof. Tyler in the preparation of this 
work the evidence is ample. In its historic completeness, in its studious mastery of 
the subject, in its dilligent devotion to details, in its justness of judgment, in its flavor 
of illustration and extract, and its stately and finished style, it may confidently be ex- 
pected to fulfil pur ideal of such a history, and that a place hitherto vacant will be 
occupied by it beyond the danger of dispossession for many years to come,"— Liter- 
ary World. 

The History of French Literature. By Henri Van Laun. 
Translator of Taine's " History of English Literature," the Works of 
Moli^re, etc. 8vo, cloth extra, per vol., $2.50. 
Vol. I. — From its Origin to the Renaissance. 

Vol. II. — From the Renaissance to the Close of the Reign of Louis XIV. 
Vol. III. — From the Reign of Louis XIV; to that of Napoleon III. 
The set, three volumes in box, cloth extra, $7.50 ; half calf, $15.00. 

*' Full of keenest interest for every person who knows or wishes to learn any thing 
of French literature or of French literary history and biography ; scarcely any book 
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persons." — N. V. Evening; Post. 

Studies in German Literature. Edited by Marie Taylor. 
With an Introduction by the Hon. George H. Boker. Svo, cloth 
extra, $2.00. 

*^ The work of a painstaking scholar, who can select with rare discernment what 
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Studies in Early English Literature. By Emelyn Washburne. 
Uniform with Morley's " English Literature." Svo, cloth, $1.50. 

" It has a freshness about it which commends it to the reader interested in the sub- 
ject of early English literature." — Transcript^ Boston. 

A History of English Prose Fiction, from Sir Thomas 
Malory to George Eliot. By Bayard Tuckerman. Uniform 
with Taylor's " German Literature." Svo, cloth, $1.75, 
^^ Mr. Tuckerman's volume is what may be called a history of the evolution of the 

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On English Literature in the Reign of Victoria, irith a 
Glance at the Past. By Henry Morley, Professor of English 
Literature in the University of London. Uniform with Taylor's 
" German Literature." Popular edition, square i6mo, cloth extra, 75 
cents ; library edition, crown Svo, cloth extra, $2.00. 
^^ In this volume Mr. Morley has performed a work that will prove of inestimable 

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6. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, 27 & S9 W. 23d St., New York, 
18 Henrietta St., Covent Garden, London. 


C. Ford. 
Part I. — Governments (National, State, and Local), the Electorate, 
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Part II. — The Functions of Government, considered with special 
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English Labor (1250-1883). By James E. Thorold Rogers, M.P. 

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LEYE, Professor of Political Economy in the University of Liege. 
Translated by Alfred W. Pollard, of the University of Oxford. 
Edited with an introduction and supplementaiy chapter by F. W. 
Taussig, Instructor in Political Economy. i2mo, cloth . . $1.50 

POLITICS. An Introduction to the study of Comparative Constitutional 
Law. By William W. Crane and Bernard Moses. Svo, 

cloth , $1.50 

" The work is an arsenal of facts, precedents, incidents, and argument, and will 

five the student of national affairs much basic instruction. It is altogether meritori- 

ias."—Common'uiealik', Boston. 



\j ^H^c-"-"-^